From Boyhood to Manhood

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Franklin had canvassed the subject considerably before he introduced
it to the members of the Junto. In wet weather the mud in the streets
was trodden into a quagmire, and quantities of it carried on the feet
into stores and houses. In dry weather the wind blew the abundance of
dust into the faces and eyes of pedestrians, and into the doors and
windows of dwellings and shops. In his paper, read at the Junto,
Franklin set forth these discomforts, with others, and showed how the
evil would be remedied by pavement. The members of the Junto were
unanimous in supporting his views.

From week to week he discussed the subject in the _Gazette_, literally
giving line upon line and precept upon precept. Nor did he seem to
make much of an impression for many months. But, finally, a strip of
brick pavement having been laid down the middle of Jersey Market, he
succeeded in getting the street leading thereto paved.

"Now I have a project to enlist citizens in paving all the streets,"
he said at the Junto. "I have hired a poor man to sweep the pavement
now laid, and keep it as clean and neat as a pin, that citizens may
see for themselves the great benefit of paving the streets."

"That is practical," exclaimed Coleman. "You are always practical,
Franklin; and you will make a success of that."

"I expect to succeed. After two or three weeks I shall address a
circular to all housekeepers enjoying the advantages of the pavement,
asking them to join with me in paying a sixpence each per month to
keep the pavement clean."

"A _sixpence_ a month only!" responded Potts, who had listened to
Franklin's plan; "is that all it will cost?"

"Yes, that is all; and I think that all will be surprised that the
work can be done for that price; and, for that reason, they will
readily join in the measure."

Franklin went forward with his enterprise, and every citizen appealed
to accepted his proposition; and out of it grew a general interest to
pave the streets of the city. Franklin drafted a bill to be presented
to the General Assembly, authorizing the work to be done; and, through
the influence of another party, the bill was amended by a provision
for lighting the streets at the same time, all of which was agreeable
to Franklin. Here, again, we see that Franklin was the originator of
another method of adding to the comfort and beauty of cities and large
towns.

"I will read you a paper to-night upon smoky chimneys," remarked
Franklin at the Junto, as he drew from his pocket a written document.

"Smoky chimneys!" ejaculated Grace. "I wonder what will command your
attention next. A fruitful theme, though I never expected we should
discuss it here."

"It is, indeed, a fruitful theme," responded Franklin; "for more
chimneys carry some of the smoke into the room than carry the whole
out of the top; and nobody can tell why."

"I had supposed it was because masons do not understand the philosophy
of chimney-building," remarked Coleman.

"That is it exactly. The subject is not understood at all, because it
has not been examined. Men build chimneys as they do, not because they
know it is the best way, but because they do not know any thing about
it. For instance, nearly every one thinks that smoke is lighter than
air, when the reverse is true."

"I always had that idea," remarked Potts; "not because I knew that it
was, but somehow I got that impression. But let us have your paper,
and then we will discuss it."

Franklin read his paper, which was more elaborate and exhaustive than
any thing of the kind ever published at that time. It named several
definite causes of smoky chimneys, and furnished a remedy for each.
What is still more remarkable, it suggested a plan of a fire-place or
stove, that might remedy the smoking evil of some chimneys, and save
much fuel in all. Subsequently, he invented what is known as the
Franklin stove, or fire-place, though it was sometimes called the
"Pennsylvania stove." It was regarded as a very useful invention, and,
for many years, was in general use.

"Apply for a patent on your stove," suggested Coleman; "there is much
money in it; and you ought to have it if any one."

"Not I," responded Franklin. "I am not a believer in patents. If the
invention is a real public benefit, the people should have the
advantage of it."

"Nonsense," retorted Coleman; "no one but you harbors such an idea. I
do not see why a man should not receive pay for his invention as much
as another does for a day's work."

"And there is no reason why the inventor should not give the public
the benefit of it, if he chooses," answered Franklin. "Governor Thomas
offered to give me a patent on it, but I told him this: As we enjoy
great advantages from the invention of others, we should be glad of an
opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours; and this we
should do freely and generously."

"And nobody will ever thank you for it," added Coleman.

"I don't ask them to thank me for it; I give it to them without asking
one thank-you for it," replied Franklin, who was in a very happy mood.

"Well," added Coleman, "the more I see of you, the more I am satisfied
that there is but one Ben Franklin in these parts."

In brief, we may add here, that Franklin presented the model to a
member of the Junto, Robert Grace, who run a furnace, and, for many
years, "he found the casting of the plates for these stoves a
profitable thing."

Still another enterprise which Franklin brought to the attention of
the Junto was the founding of an Academy or University for the higher
education of youth. He wrote often and much for the _Gazette_ upon
doing more for the education of the young. At last, he prepared and
printed a pamphlet, entitled "Proposals Relating to the Education of
Youth in Pennsylvania." It was published at his own expense and
gratuitously distributed, after it had been read in the Junto, where
he disclosed his purpose.

"It is the greatest enterprise you have conceived yet," remarked
Parsons, after listening to the paper, "and it will be the most
difficult one to push forward to success, I think."

"Five thousand pounds is a great amount of money to raise," said
Breintnal. "I should not want to be the one to raise it."

"I should, if I could," retorted Franklin. "To be the author of so
great a blessing to the young is pay enough without any salary. At any
rate, that is all the pay any man will get for such service."

"Do you propose to raise the money yourself?" inquired Coleman.

"Chiefly. I expect that interested parties may assist on that line.
The fact that the enterprise is to bless their own children, gives me
access to them at once. First of all, however, I propose to send this
pamphlet, printed, to a long list of persons upon whom I shall call
for aid, after ample time for them to read and digest it has elapsed."

It is sufficient to say that Franklin successfully prosecuted his
purpose, raised all the money necessary, and the academy was founded.
Scholars multiplied so rapidly that larger quarters were soon
demanded; and now came into use the building which Franklin caused to
be erected for the use of Rev. Mr. Whitefield. With some alterations,
it was just the building necessary to meet the wants of the popular
institution. Franklin was glad when he secured the building for
Whitefield; but he was more glad now because it could be used for the
"University of Philadelphia," as his school was named afterwards.

Perhaps the Junto did not give attention to a more important measure
in its whole history than that of establishing militia for public
security. Franklin read a paper, having the caption, "Plain Truth," in
which he expatiated upon the defenseless condition of Pennsylvania;
that, while New England was all aglow with enthusiasm for armed
defense against foreign invasion, and some of the southern colonies as
well, Pennsylvania was utterly defenseless.

"There is not a battery, fort, or gun, on the banks of the Delaware,"
he said; "not a volunteer company in the whole Province; and what is
still more alarming, not guns enough to arm one."

"Our people don't believe in resistance, you know," responded Coleman.
"Quaker influence is decidedly against shot-guns and batteries."

"And that is the trouble," retorted Franklin. "The Legislatures of
other Provinces have established public defenses; but the Quaker
influence in the Assembly of Pennsylvania has defeated every measure
of the kind."

"And will continue to do so until a French privateer seizes and sacks
this town, as one could very easily," added Parsons.

"Or a tribe of savages, so easily set on by French politicians, shall
plunder and burn us," added Franklin.

"But John Penn and Thomas Penn are not Quakers, like their father, I
have been told," remarked Potts; "and certainly the Province has not
had Quaker governors."

"That is very true; but so many of the people are Quakers that the
Assembly is under their control," answered Franklin. "But I think the
appearance of a privateer in the river, or an attack by a band of
blood-thirsty savages, would knock the non-resistance out of many of
them."

"Nothing short of that will," responded Coleman; "but Franklin's plan
of raising a volunteer militia, and all necessary funds by
subscription, will not call out any opposition from them. I believe
that many of them will be glad to have such defense if they are not
expected to engage in it."

"It is not true, even now, that all the Quakers oppose defensive war:
for some of them do not; they have told me so," continued Franklin.
"They oppose aggressive warfare; but let a privateer come up the
river, or savages attack our town, and they will fight for their homes
as hard as any of us."

"But how do you propose to reach the public, and interest them in your
plan?" inquired Maugridge.

"I shall publish the paper I have read, with some additions, suggested
by our discussion, and distribute it freely throughout the town. At
the same time, I shall discuss it in the _Gazette_, and appeal to
Quakers themselves, on Bible grounds, to co-operate for the public
defense. And when they have had time to read the pamphlet and weigh
the proposition, I shall call a public meeting."

"Wise again, Franklin," answered Coleman, who was delighted with the
plan. "Your scheme will work to a charm; I have no doubt of it. But
just what will you do at your public meeting?"

"Organize an 'Association for Defense,' after I have harangued the
audience upon the perils of the hour. I shall urge every man present,
as he values his home and life, to join the league, of whatever sect
or party."

"Each man to arm himself at his own expense, I suppose?" inquired
Grace.

"As far as possible," answered Franklin; "and to raise money for a
battery, I have thought of a lottery." Lotteries were generally
resorted to, at that day, for raising money.

"That scheme for raising a battery will succeed, too," said Coleman
with a smile. "I can not see why the whole thing will not carry the
public by storm."

The plan of Franklin succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectations.
His pamphlet and articles in the _Gazette_ moved the public to great
enthusiasm. When the public meeting was called, there was a general
rush to it. It was held in the large building erected for Rev. Mr.
Whitefield, and it was filled to overflowing. Twelve hundred men
joined the "Association for Public Defense" on that night, and the
number was increased to ten thousand within a few days. Within a few
weeks, eighty companies were organized in the Province, armed, and
drilled, ready to march to any point of danger at a moment's warning.
The companies in Philadelphia united to form a regiment, and Franklin
was elected Colonel--an honor which he declined because he "considered
himself unfit," and recommended a Mr. Lawrence, who was a prominent
and influential citizen.

The lottery scheme succeeded, also, and eighteen cannon were borrowed
of the Governor of New York until the authorities could import the
requisite number from England. Not a few Quakers approved of these
measures for the public defense.

In the midst of the excitement Franklin intensified the feeling, by
inducing the Governor to appoint a day of fasting and prayer. Such a
day had never been observed in Pennsylvania, and so the Governor and
his associates were too ignorant of the measure to undertake it alone.
Hence, Franklin, who was familiar with Fast Days in Massachusetts,
wrote the proclamation for the Governor, and secured the co-operation
of ministers in the observance of the day.

It is claimed that Quakers often lent their influence to defensive
warfare in an indirect manner. As, for example, when the Assembly made
appropriations for the army, "for the purchase of bread, flour, wheat
and _other grain_," the latter phrase covered _gunpowder_. Perhaps
this suggested to Franklin, when trying to get an appropriation
through the Assembly, the following remark: "If we fail, let us move
the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can have no
objection to that; and then, if you nominate me, and I you, as a
committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is
certainly a _fire-engine_."

The fears of the colonists were allayed, and these warlike
preparations discontinued, when the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was
declared, and signed by the British Commissioners, Oct. 7, 1748.

XXXV.

PHILOSOPHER AND STATESMAN.

"I have a proposition to make to you, an important one," remarked
Franklin to David Hall, who had worked for him four years. "Come into
the office, and I will tell you what it is."

Hall followed him into the office, wondering what the proposition
could be. When they were seated, Franklin continued:

"I must have a partner in this business; and I think you are just the
man I want, if we can agree upon the terms. I desire to be released
from the care of the printing office, that I may pursue my scientific
studies more thoroughly and satisfactorily."

"Your proposition is very unexpected to me, and I feel very much
flattered by it," answered Hall; "but I hardly know what to say, for I
have no capital to put into the business."

"And you need none," interrupted Franklin. "My plan is that you take
the office just as it is, pay me one thousand pounds a year, for
eighteen years, releasing me from all care of the business, and, at
the close of eighteen years, the whole business shall be yours,
without further consideration."

"Well, I ought to be satisfied with that offer, if you are; it is
certainly a generous one, and I shall accept it."

"And you will get out of it three or four times the amount of your
present salary every year," suggested Franklin. "I mean it shall be a
profitable enterprise for you; for your long service here has
satisfied me that you are the partner I want."

This plan was carried into effect, and Franklin was no longer obliged
to visit the printing office daily, whither he had been for over
twenty years. His printing and newspaper business had been very
profitable, so that he was comparatively wealthy for that day. His
investments had proved fortunate; and these, with the thousand pounds
annually from Hall, and five hundred pounds from two public offices he
held, gave him an annual income of about fifteen thousand dollars,
which was large for those times--one hundred and forty years ago.

"Now I can pursue my studies to my heart's content," Franklin said to
his wife. "I have only had fragments of time to devote to electricity
and other studies hitherto; but now I can command time enough to make
research an object."

"I am very glad that you are able to make so favorable arrangements,"
Mrs. Franklin replied. "You have had altogether too much on your hands
for ten years and more. You ought to have less care."

"And I have an intense desire to investigate science, especially
electricity," Franklin continued. "I see a wide field for research and
usefulness before me. But I have time enough to prosecute my plans."

Franklin was forty-two years old at this time; and it is a singular
fact that his career as a philosopher did not begin really until he
had passed his fortieth birthday. But from the time he was released
from the care of the printing office, his advancement in science was
rapid. His fame spread abroad, both in this country and Europe, so
that, in a few years, he became one of the most renowned philosophers
in the world. In a former chapter we described his experiment with a
kite, to prove that lightning and the electric fluid are identical;
and this discovery established his fame as the greatest electrician of
the world.

The Royal Society of London elected him a member by a unanimous vote,
and the next year bestowed upon him the Copley medal. Yale College
conferred upon him the degree of Master of Arts; and Harvard
University did the same. Suddenly Franklin found himself the most
conspicuous character in American history--a philosopher of the most
honored type.

Mignet said of him, "Thus all at once distinguished, the Philadelphia
sage became the object of universal regard, and was abundantly loaded
with academic honors. The Academy of Sciences of Paris made him an
associate member, as it had Newton and Leibnitz. All the learned
bodies of Europe eagerly admitted him into their ranks. Kant, the
celebrated German philosopher, called him 'the Prometheus of modern
times.' To this scientific glory, which he might have extended if he
had consecrated to his favorite pursuits his thoughts and his time, he
added high political distinction. To this man, happy because he was
intelligent, great because he had an active genius and a devoted
heart, was accorded the rare felicity of serving his country,
skilfully and usefully, for a period of fifty years; and after having
taken rank among the immortal founders of the positive sciences, of
enrolling himself among the generous liberators of the nations."

A few years later, the three Universities of St. Andrew's, Oxford, and
Edinburgh, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Europe
vied with America in tributes of honor and praise.

His electrical experiments made him the author of several useful
inventions, among which the LIGHTNING ROD was the foremost. It came
into general use, not only in our country, but also in Europe. The
celebrated Kinnersley wrote to him, "May this method of security from
the destructive violence of one of the most awful powers of Nature
meet with such further success as to induce every good and grateful
heart to bless God for the important discovery! May the benefit
thereof be diffused over the whole globe! May it extend to the latest
posterity of mankind, and make the name of Franklin, like that of
Newton, IMMORTAL!"

Franklin did not intend to continue in political life, when he entered
into partnership with Mr. Hall; and he so announced to his friends. At
that time he had served as Councilman in the city, been a member of
the General Assembly, acted as Commissioner on several important
occasions, and served the public in various other ways; but now he
designed to stop and devote himself entirely to scientific pursuits.

Within five years, however, he found himself more deeply involved in
political plans and labors than ever before. He was as wise in
statesmanship as he was in philosophy; and the services of such a man
were in constant demand. The following list of public offices he
filled shows that he stood second to no statesman in the land in
public confidence and ability in public service:

A LEGISLATOR OF PENNSYLVANIA AT TWENTY-SIX YEARS OF AGE, CONTINUED FOR
TWENTY YEARS.

FOUNDER AND LEADING TRUSTEE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.

COLONEL OF MILITIA, WHICH HE ORIGINATED.

LEADER OF COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY FOR YEARS, IN TIME OF WAR.

POSTMASTER-GENERAL.

AGENT OF PENNSYLVANIA, MASSACHUSETTS, NEW JERSEY, AND GEORGIA TO THE
KING OF ENGLAND.

MINISTER TO THE COURT OF ENGLAND IN 1764.

ONE OF THE AUTHORS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS IN 1775, AND A MEMBER
OF IT.

MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO FRANCE IN 1776.

AUTHOR OF FIRST TREATY FOR AMERICA IN 1778.

MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO FRANCE IN 1778.

ONE OF FIVE TO DRAFT THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

A LEADER IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

ONE OF THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

LIKE WASHINGTON, "FIRST IN WAR, FIRST IN PEACE, AND FIRST IN THE
HEARTS OF HIS COUNTRYMEN."

Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston
were associated with Franklin in drafting the Declaration of
Independence, which Congress adopted, July 4, 1776. The original draft
was by Jefferson, but it contained many interlineations in the
hand-writing of Franklin. When they were signing the memorable
document, after its passage by Congress, John Hancock remarked:

"We must be unanimous,--we must all hang together."

"Yes, if we would not hang separately," replied Franklin.

Jefferson was viewing, with evident disappointment, the mutilation of
his draft of the Declaration in Franklin's hand-writing, when the
latter remarked:

"I have made it a rule, whenever in my power, to avoid becoming the
draftsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson
from an incident which I will relate to you. When I was a
journeyman-printer, one of my companions, an apprentice-hatter, having
served out his time, was about to open shop for himself. His first
concern was to have a handsome sign-board, with a proper inscription.
He composed it in these words: _John Thompson, hatter, makes and sells
hats for ready money_, with a figure of a hat subjoined. But he
thought he would submit to his friends for their amendments. The first
he showed it to thought the word _hatter_ tautologous, because
followed by the words _makes hats_, which showed he was a hatter. It
was struck out. The next observed that the word _makes_ might as well
be omitted, because his customers would not care who made the hats; if
good and to their mind, they would buy, by whomsoever made. He struck
it out. A third said he thought the words _for ready money_ were
useless, as it was not the custom of the place to sell on credit.
Every one who purchased expected to pay. They were parted with, and
the inscription now stood: _John Thompson sells hats_. '_Sells_ hats?'
says his next friend; 'why, nobody will expect you to give them away.
What, then, is the use of that word?' It was stricken out, and _hats_
followed, the rather as there was one painted on the board. So his
inscription was reduced, ultimately, to _John Thompson_, with the
figure of a hat subjoined."

It is doubtful if American Independence would have been achieved when
it was, but for the services of Franklin at the Court of England. His
first appearance there was when his fame as a philosopher was at its
zenith, and the greatest men of that country sought his acquaintance.
William Strahan, a member of Parliament, wrote to Mrs. Franklin, "I
never saw a man who was, in every respect, so perfectly agreeable to
me. Some are able in one view, some in another, he in all."

The Tories, who meant to keep the Colonies in subjection and burden
them with taxes, were the leaders in governmental affairs and the
majority in numbers. Of course, the Colonies could not expect many
favors from them without the mediation of their strongest statesmen;
and Franklin was the one above all others on whom they depended. His
first diplomatic career in England, when he was the Agent of
Pennsylvania and other Colonies, lasted from 1757 to 1762. He remained
at home only a year and a half, when he was appointed "Minister to
England," whither he went in 1764, remaining there ten years, a long,
stormy period of political troubles, culminating in the Declaration of
Independence and the American Revolution.

We have only to mention the Boston Port Bill, the Stamp Act,
quartering British troops in the public buildings of Boston, and other
measures which the Colonies considered oppressive, and even
tyrannical, to show the line of Franklin's intercession in behalf of
his countrymen, and how they came to throw off the yoke of bondage.

The Tory hatred towards Franklin was something fearful at times,
exceeded only by their hatred towards the people whom he represented.
"I am willing to love all mankind except an American," exclaimed Dr.
Johnson. And when rebuked for his unchristian disposition, "his
inflammable corruption bursting into horrid fire," says Boswell, "he
breathed out threatenings and slaughter, calling them rascals,
robbers, pirates, and exclaiming that he would burn and destroy them."
When Mr. Barclay hinted to Franklin that he might have almost any
place of honor if he would consent to a certain line of action, our
loyal hero spurned the bribe, saying, "The ministry, I am sure, would
rather give me a place in a cart to Tyburn [prison] than any other
place whatever." He could neither be coaxed nor frightened into
submission to the British crown.

In February, 1766, he was summoned before the House of Commons, where
he met the enemies of his country face to face, and stood firm through
the searching examination.

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