The Great Intendant

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In a state paper by Talon for Colbert's information, in
1669, the intendant's Gallican views reveal themselves
fully. He complains of the excessive zeal of the bishop
and clergy which led them to interfere in matters of
police, thus trespassing upon the province of the civil
magistrate. He went on to say that too strict a moral
discipline of confessors and spiritual directors put a
constraint on consciences, and that, in order to
counterbalance the excessive claims to obedience of the
clergy then in charge, other priests should be sent to
Canada with full powers for administration of the
sacraments. It is more than probable that in writing
these lines Talon was thinking of the vexed question of
the liquor traffic, always a source of strife between
the civil and the spiritual authorities.

Talon and his colleagues, Tracy and Courcelle, had to
deal with the question of tithes. In 1663 tithes had been
fixed by royal edict at one-thirteenth of all that is
produced from the soil either naturally or by man's
labour. This edict was prompted by the erection of the
Quebec Seminary by Laval, and established in Canada the
tithes system for the benefit of the new clerical
institution, to which was entrusted the spiritual care
of the colonists. The latter, who previously had paid
nothing for the maintenance of the clergy, protested
against the charge, notwithstanding that it was in
conformity with the common practice of Christian nations.
Laval, taking into consideration the poverty of the colony
at the time, freely granted delays and exemptions, so
that in 1667 the question was still practically in
abeyance. In that year the bishop presented to Tracy a
petition for the publication of a decree in respect to
the tithes. The lieutenant-general, the governor, and
the intendant gave the matter their attention, and after
discussion an ordinance was passed for payment of tithes,
consisting of the twenty-sixth part of all that the soil
grows, naturally or by man's labour, for the benefit of
the priests who ministered to the spiritual wants of the
people. There was a proviso stating that the words 'by
man's labour' did not include manufactures or fisheries,
but only the products of the soil when cultivated and
fertilized by human industry. The assessment of
one-twenty-sixth was to be levied for a term of twenty
years only, after which the tithes were to be fixed
according to the needs of the time and the state of the
country. Later on, in 1679, a royal edict made perpetual
the rate of one-twenty-sixth. For years the practice
prevailed of levying tithes only on grain. But in 1705
two parish priests maintained that they should be levied
also on hemp, flax, tobacco, pumpkins, hay--on all that
is grown on cultivated land. A heated discussion in the
Sovereign Council took place, led by the attorney-general
Auteuil. The two priests contended that the ordinance of
Tracy, Courcelle, and Talon did not limit the tithes to
grain; it stated that they should be levied on all that
the soil grows naturally or by man's labour. Unfortunately
they had only a copy of the ordinance of 1667 to file in
support of their contention. The attorney-general maintained
that the original ordinance of 1663 limited the tithes
to grain, and that the constant practice was a confirmation
and an evidence of the rule. But, strange to say, he
could not put the original ordinance on record. It had
been lost. However, the practice was held to decide the
case, and the priests' contention was not sustained. From
that time the question was settled, definitely and for
ever; the tithes were levied only on grain, as they are
still levied in the province of Quebec, on all lands
owned by Catholics. But it is interesting to know as a
matter of history that the two litigant priests were
right. Had the original ordinance been before the council,
it would have been found to enact the levying of tithes
not on grain alone but on 'all that the soil grows
naturally or by man's labour.' An authentic copy of this
ordinance was discovered in our day, nearly two centuries
after the lawsuit of 1705, and it bears out the plea of
the two priests.

Another feature of Talon's relations with the clergy and
religious communities--and a pleasant one this time--was
his strong interest in the francisation (Frenchification)
of the Indians. It was Colbert's wish that efforts be
made to bring the Algonquins, Hurons, and other Indians
more closely within the fold of European civilization--to
make them alter their manners, learn the French tongue,
and become less Indian and more European in their way of
life. Talon was of the same mind and lost no opportunity
of impressing the idea on those who could best do the
work. Laval had already been active in the same direction,
and had founded the Quebec Seminary partly with this end
in view. The great bishop thought that one of the best
means of civilizing the Indians would be to bring up
Indian and French children together. So he withdrew from
the Jesuits' College a number of pupils whom he had
previously placed there and established them, with a few
young Indians, in a house bought for the purpose. Such
were the beginnings of the Quebec Seminary, opened on
October 9, 1663. The first class consisted of eight French
and six Indian children. The seminary trained them in
the practice of piety and morality. For ordinary instruction
they went to the Jesuits. The Jesuits' College had been
founded in 1635 and was of great service to the colony.
It was pronounced by Laval in 1661 almost equal in
educational advantages and standing to the Jesuits'
establishments in France; and according to a trustworthy
author it 'was a reproduction on a small scale of the
French colleges: classes in letters and arts, literary
and theatrical entertainments, were found there.' Some
of the public performances given at the Jesuits' College
were memorable, such as the reception to the Vicomte
d'Argenson when he entered upon the government of New
France, and the philosophical debate of July 2, 1666,
which was graced with the presence of Tracy, Courcelle,
and Talon. Two promising youths, Louis Jolliet and Pierre
de Francheville, won universal praise on that occasion;
and Talon himself, who had been accustomed in France to
such scholastic exercises, took part in it very pertinently,
to the great delight of all present.

To return to the francisation of Indians: the Ursulines
were also enlisted in the cause. Since their arrival in
Canada in 1639 it had been for them a labour of love. In
the convent and school founded by Mother Marie de
l'Incarnation and Madame de la Peltrie, both French and
Indian girls received instruction in various subjects.
Seven nuns attended daily to the classes. The Indian
girls had special classes and teachers, but they were
lodged and boarded along with the French children. Some
of these Indian pupils of the Ursulines afterwards married
Frenchmen and became excellent wives and mothers. Special
mention. is made of one of the girls as being able to
read and write both French and Huron remarkably well.
From her speech it was hard to believe that she was born
an Indian. Talon was so delighted with this instance of
successful francisation that he asked her to write
something in Huron and French that he might send it to
France. This, however, was but an exceptional case. Mother
Mary declared in one of her letters that it was very
difficult, if not impossible, to civilize the Indian
girls.

During this period the Ursulines had on an average from
twenty to thirty resident pupils. The French girls were
supposed to pay one hundred and twenty livres. Indian
girls paid nothing. The Ursuline sisters and Mother Mary,
their head, did a noble work for Canada; the same must
be said of the venerable Mother Marguerite Bourgeoys and
the ladies of the Congregation of Notre-Dame founded in
1659 at Montreal. At first this school was open to both
boys and girls. But in 1668 M. Souart, a Sulpician, took
the boys under his care, and thenceforth the education
of the male portion of the youth of Ville-Marie was in
the hands of the priests of Saint-Sulpice. At this time
the Sulpicians of Montreal were receiving welcome accessions
to their number; the Abbes Trouve and de Fenelon arrived
in 1667, and the Abbes Queylus, d'Allet, de Galinee, and
d'Urfe in 1668. In the latter year Fenelon and Trouve
were authorized by Laval to establish a new missionary
station. for a tribe of Cayugas as far west as the bay
of Quinte on the north shore of Lake Ontario. The progress
of mission work was now most encouraging. Peace prevailed
and the Iroquois country was open to the heralds of the
Gospel. Fathers Fremin and Pierron were living among the
Mohawks; Father Bruyas with the Oneidas. In 1668 Father
Fremin was sent to the Senecas, Father Milet to the
Onondagas, and Father de Carheil to the Cayugas. The
bloody Iroquois, who had tortured and slain so many
missionaries, were now asking for preachers of the
Christian faith, and receiving them with due honour. It
is true that the hard task of conversion remained, and
that Indian vices and superstitions were not easily
overcome. But at least the savages were ready to listen
to Christian teaching. Some of them had courage enough
to reform their lives. Children and women were baptized.
Many received when dying the sacraments of the Church.
Moreover, the sublime courage and self-devotion of the
missionaries inspired the Indian mind with a profound
respect for Christianity and added very greatly to the
influence and prestige of the French name among the
tribes.

On the whole the situation in Canada at the end of 1668,
three years after Talon's arrival, was most satisfactory.
Peace and security were restored; hope had replaced
despondency; colonization, agriculture, and trade were
making progress; population was increasing yearly. In
this short space of time New France had been saved from
destruction and was now full of new vigour. Every one in
the colony knew that the great intendant had been the
soul of the revival, the leader in all this progress. It
may therefore be easily imagined what was the state of
popular feeling when the news came that Talon was to
leave Canada. He had twice asked for his recall. The
climate was severe, his health was not good, and family
matters called for his presence in France; moreover, he
was worried by his difficulties with the governor and
the spiritual authorities. Louis XIV gave him leave to
return to France and appointed Claude de Bouteroue in
his stead.

Talon left Quebec in November 1668. Expressions of deep
regret were heard on all sides. Mother Marie de
l'Incarnation wrote: 'M. Talon is leaving us and goes
back to France. It is a great loss to Canada and a great
sorrow for all. For, during his term here as intendant,
this country has developed more and progressed more than
it had done before from the time of the first settlement
by the French.' The annalist of the Hotel-Dieu was not
less sympathetic, but there was hope in her utterance:
'M. Talon,' she said, 'left for France this year. He
comforted us in our grief by leading us to expect his
return.' Perhaps these last words show that Talon even
then intended to come back to Canada if such should be
the wish of the king and his minister.

CHAPTER VII

TALON'S EVENTFUL JOURNEY

Talon returned to France in an auspicious hour. It was
perhaps the happiest and brightest period of the reign
of Louis XIV. France had emerged victorious from two
campaigns, and the king had just signed a treaty which
added to his realm a part of the province of Flanders.
The kingdom enjoyed peace, and its prosperity had never
been so great. Thanks to Colbert, the exchequer was full.
In all departments the French government was displaying
intelligent activity. Trade and commerce, agriculture
and manufacture, were encouraged and protected. With
ample means at their disposal and perfect freedom of
action, Louis XIV and Colbert could not but be in a
favourable mood to receive Talon's reports and proposals.
Talon acted as if he were still the intendant of New
France; and though for the time being he was not, he was
surely the most powerful agent or advocate that the colony
could have. The king and his minister readily acquiesced
in his schemes for strengthening the Canadian colony. It
was decided to dispatch six companies of soldiers to
reinforce the four already there, and ultimately, upon
being disbanded, to aid in settling the country. Many
hundred labourers and unmarried women and a new stock of
domestic animals were also to be sent. Colbert had never
been so much in earnest concerning New France. He attended
personally to details, gave orders for the levy of troops
and for the shipping of the men and supplies, and urged
on the officials in charge so that everything should be
ready early in the spring. To M. de Courcelle he wrote
these welcome tidings:

His Majesty has appropriated over 200,000 livres to
do what he deems necessary for the colony. One hundred
and fifty girls are going thither to be married; six
companies complete with fifty good men in each and
thirty officers or noblemen, who wish to settle there,
and more than two hundred other persons are also going.
Such an effort shows how greatly interested in Canada
His Majesty feels, and to what extent he will appreciate
all that may be done to help its progress.

That the minister was not actuated merely by a passing
mood, but by a set purpose, may be seen from a passage
of a letter to Terron, the intendant at Rochefort: 'I am
very glad,' Colbert wrote, 'that you have not gone beyond
the funds appropriated for the passage of the men and
girls to Canada. You know how important it is to keep
within the limits, especially in an outlay which will
have to be repeated every year.'

In the meantime Talon was pleading the cause of Canada
in another direction. Always intent on freeing New France
from the commercial monopoly of the West India Company,
he renewed his assault against that corporation, and at
last he was successful. This signal victory showed plainly
his great influence with the minister. Colbert conveyed
the gratifying information to Courcelle:

His Majesty has granted freedom of trade to Canada,
so that the colony may hereafter receive more easily
the provisions and supplies needed. It will now be
necessary to inform the colonists that they must
provide cargoes agreeable to the French, who will
supply them with necessities, and so make a profitable
exchange of goods. For there is now a great supply
of furs in this kingdom, and if there were no other
goods available as a return cargo perhaps the French
ships would not go there.

The spring of 1669 was memorable for Canada. Nearly all
that Talon asked for New France was granted. But one
thing which he did not ask was desired by Louis and
Colbert. It is probable that Talon intended to go back
to Canada, but he did not expect or wish to return
immediately. Yet this was what the king and the minister
deemed advisable and even essential. It was very well to
send troops, labourers, women, settlers, and supplies;
but, in order that all should yield their maximum of
efficiency, it was necessary that the business affairs
of the colony should again be placed in the hands of the
intendant, who had already worked wonders by his sagacity
and skilful management. There was no man who knew so well
the weak and strong points, the requirements and
possibilities of Canada. True, only a few months had
elapsed since the king had given him permission to leave
Canada, and had appointed in his stead another intendant
who, naturally enough, would expect to be in charge for
at least two years. But, on the other hand, the king's
service and the public good demanded his reappointment.
Talon had to acquiesce. He had reached Paris at the end
of December. Three months later he was again intendant
of New France, and on April Louis XIV wrote to the
intendant Bouteroue at Quebec informing him of Talon's
reinstatement. To leave France so soon must have been
for Talon a great sacrifice, but it was a high compliment
that Louis and Colbert were paying to his talents and
administrative abilities. On May 10, 1669, the king signed
his new commission, and on the 17th he received his
instructions, a document much shorter than the one framed
for his direction in 1665. No minute advice was needed
this time, for Talon was himself the best authority on
all matters relating to Canada.

Talon sailed from La Rochelle on July 15. He was accompanied
by Captain Francois Marie Perrot, one of the six commanders
of the companies sent to Canada; by Fathers Romuald
Papillion, Hilarion Guesnin, Cesaire Herveau, and Brother
Cosme Graveran. Perrot was married to the niece of the
intendant. The friars belonged to the Franciscan order
and to the particular branch of it known under the name
of Recollets. It had been thought good to reintroduce
into Canada the religious society whose priests had been
the first to preach the Gospel there. The intendant's
former voyage from France to Canada had lasted one hundred
and seventeen days, so that, allowing for all probable
delays, he might expect to reach Quebec by the end of
October at the latest. But it was decreed that he was
not to see New France this year. His ship was assailed
by a series of storms and hurricanes and driven far from
her right course. After three months of exertion and
suffering the captain was obliged to make for the port
of Lisbon. There the ship was revictualled; but, having
sailed again, she struck upon a rocky shoal at a distance
of three leagues from Lisbon and was totally wrecked.
Talon and his companions were fortunately saved, and
found themselves back in France at the beginning of the
year 1670.

In the meantime what was going on in Canada? Talon's
successor, M. de Bouteroue, was upright and intelligent,
but without Talon's masterly gifts and activity. He
attended principally to the administration of justice.
At the judicial sittings of the Sovereign Council he was
almost always present; he himself heard many cases, and
often acted as judge-advocate. On his advice the council
gave out an ordinance fixing the price of wheat. There
had been complaints that sometimes creditors refused to
accept wheat in payment, or accepted it only at a price
unreasonably low. So it was enacted that for three months
after the promulgation of the decree debtors should be
at liberty to pay their creditors in wheat of good quality
at the price of four livres per bushel.

The evil consequences of the previous action of the
council in freeing the brandy traffic were already
manifest. The scourge of the coureurs de bois, later to
prove so damaging to the colony, was beginning to be
felt. A new ordinance now prohibited the practice of
going into the woods with liquor to meet the Indians and
trade with them. This ordinance also enjoined sobriety
upon the Indians and held them responsible for the
drunkenness of their squaws, while the French were
forbidden to drink with them. Hunting in the forest was
only allowed by leave of the commandant of the district
or the nearest judge, to whose inspection all luggage
and goods for trade must be submitted. Brandy might be
taken on these expeditions, but no more than one pot per
man for eight days. The penalty for violating any of
these provisions of the law was confiscation, with a fine
of fifty livres for a first offence and corporal punishment
for a second. Thus, but in vain, did the leaders of New
France attempt to stay the progress of Indian debauchery.

During the summer of 1669 a renewal of the war between
the French and the Iroquois was threatened. Three French
soldiers had killed six Oneidas, after making them drunk
for the purpose of stealing their furs; three other
soldiers had treacherously murdered a Seneca chief for
the same purpose. The Outaouais also, who were in alliance
with the French, attacked a party of Iroquois, killing
and capturing many. Incensed at these acts of hostility,
the Iroquois threatened to unbury the tomahawk. Courcelle
at once set himself to the task of averting the danger.
He went to Montreal, where many hundred Indians had
gathered for the annual fair, to which they always came
in great numbers for the purpose of exchanging their furs
for goods. He convened a large meeting and made an address
of great vigour and cleverness, his speech being accompanied
by appropriate gifts. He then proceeded to carry out the
sentence of the law upon the murderers of the Seneca
chief, who were shot on the spot in the presence of the
assembly. The Iroquois were placated; three men killed
for the death of one convinced them that French justice
was neither slow nor faltering. In the meantime the
Outaouais had brought back three of their prisoners and
pledged themselves for the surrender of twelve others.
in this way war was averted and peace maintained.

The first ships coming from France that summer brought
letters from Colbert to Courcelle and Bouteroue intimating
that Talon was returning to resume his charge. Bouteroue
was probably surprised to learn that he was to be superseded
so soon, and the governor may have been disappointed to
hear of the early arrival of a man whose authority and
prestige made him somewhat uneasy. But in the colony the
rejoicing was general. Mother Marie de l'Incarnation
wrote: 'We expect daily M. Talon whom the king sends back
to settle everything according to His Majesty's views.
He brings with him five hundred men. ...If God favours
his journey and brings him happily to port he will find
new means of increasing the country's wealth.' Several
weeks elapsed, and Talon's ship did not appear. Some
anxiety was felt. Mother Marie wrote again: 'M. Talon
has not arrived; in his ship alone there were five hundred
men. We are greatly concerned at the delay. They may have
landed again in France, or have been lost in the storms
which have proved to be so dreadful.' The autumn of 1669
had been a stormy season. Fearful hurricanes swept over
Quebec. The lower town was flooded to an incredible
height, many buildings were destroyed, and the havoc
amounted to 100,000 livres. All this was painfully
disquieting. To quote Mother Marie again: 'If M. Talon
has been wrecked, it will be an irretrievable loss to
the colony, for, the king having given him a free hand,
he could undertake great things without minding the
outlay.' In the meantime M. Patoulet, Talon's secretary,
who had left France on another ship and had reached Quebec
safely, wrote to Colbert: 'If he is dead, His Majesty
will have lost a good subject, yourself, Monseigneur, a
faithful servant, Canada an affectionate father, and
myself a good master.'

Fortunately, as we have already seen, Talon was not lost.
At the very time when these letters were written he was
on his way back to France, where he spent the winter hard
at work with Colbert--preparing for the dispatch of
settlers and soldiers in the spring. The minister displayed
the same zeal as the year before. He appropriated ample
funds, gave urgent orders, and seemed to make the Canadian
reinforcements his personal affair. Talon sailed from La
Rochelle about the middle of May 1670. He was accompanied
by Perrot again, and also by six Recollets, four fathers
and two brothers. After three months at sea he was nearly
shipwrecked once more, this time near Tadoussac, almost
at the end of his journey. On August 18, after an absence
from Canada of one year and nine months, he landed once
more at Quebec.

CHAPTER VIII

RENEWED EFFORTS AND PROGRESS

When Talon arrived at Quebec, New France had again just
escaped an Indian war. A party of Iroquois hunting near
the country of the Outaouais met two men of their nation
who had been prisoners of the Outaouais and had succeeded
in escaping. These informed their fellow-tribesmen that
the Outaouais village was undefended, almost every warrior
being absent. The Iroquois then attacked the village,
destroyed it, and brought with them as prisoners about
one hundred women and children. The Outaouais warriors,
when apprised of the raid, started in pursuit, but did
not succeed in overtaking the raiders. However, receiving
a reinforcement of another party of allied Indians, they
invaded the Senecas' territory. These hostilities aroused
the temper of the Iroquois, and a general Indian war
threatened, into which the French would unavoidably be
drawn. At that moment Garakonthie, the Iroquois chief
who had always been friendly to the French, advised the
Five Nations to send an embassy to the governor of Canada
asking him to compose these differences. The Five Nations
agreed, and Iroquois and Outaouais delegates, many hundreds
in number, came to Quebec. A great council was held
lasting three days, and Courcelle succeeded in bringing
about an understanding between the rival tribes. After
the meetings Garakonthie asked to be baptized, and Laval
himself performed the ceremony.

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