Diary of Samuel Pepys, November 1667
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Samuel Pepys >> Diary of Samuel Pepys, November 1667
15th. Up, and to Alderman Backewell's
[Edward Backwell, goldsmith and alderman of the City of London. He
was a man of considerable wealth during the Commonwealth. After the
Restoration he negotiated Charles II.'s principal money
transactions. He was M.P. for Wendover in the parliament of 1679,
and in the Oxford parliament of 1680. According to the writer of
the life in the "Diet. of Nat. Biog. "his heirs did not ultimately
suffer any pecuniary loss by the closure of the Exchequer. Mr.
Hilton Price stated that Backwell removed to Holland in 1676, and
died therein 1679; but this is disproved by the pedigree in
Lipscomb's "Hist. of Bucks," where the date of his death is given
as 1683, as well as by the fact that he sat for Wendover in 1679 and
1680, as stated above.]
and there discoursed with him about the remitting of this L6000 to
Tangier, which he hath promised to do by the first post, and that will be
by Monday next, the 18th, and he and I agreed that I would take notice of
it that so he may be found to have done his best upon the desire of the
Lords Commissioners. From this we went to discourse of his condition, and
he with some vain glory told me that the business of Sheernesse did make
him quite mad, and indeed might well have undone him; but yet that he did
the very next day pay here and got bills to answer his promise to the King
for the Swedes Embassadors (who were then doing our business at the treaty
at Breda) L7000, and did promise the Bankers there, that if they would
draw upon him all that he had of theirs and L10,000 more, he would answer
it. He told me that Serjeant Maynard come to him for a sum of money that
he had in his hands of his, and so did many others, and his answer was,
What countrymen are you? And when they told him, why then, says he, here
is a tally upon the Receiver of your country for so [much], and to yours
for so much, and did offer to lay by tallies to the full value of all that
he owed in the world, and L40,000 more for the security thereof, and not
to touch a penny of his own till the full of what he owed was paid, which
so pleased every body that he hath mastered all, so that he hath lent the
Commissioners of the Treasury above L40,000 in money since that business,
and did this morning offer to a lady who come to give him notice that she
should need her money L3000, in twenty days, he bid her if she pleased
send for it to-day and she should have it. Which is a very great thing,
and will make them greater than ever they were, I am apt to think, in some
time. Thence to Westminster, and there I walked with several, and do hear
that there is to be a conference between the two Houses today; so I
stayed: and it was only to tell the Commons that the Lords cannot agree to
the confining or sequestring of the Earle of Clarendon from the
Parliament, forasmuch as they do not specify any particular crime which
they lay upon him and call Treason. This the House did receive, and so
parted: at which, I hear, the Commons are like to grow very high, and will
insist upon their privileges, and the Lords will own theirs, though the
Duke of Buckingham, Bristoll, and others, have been very high in the House
of Lords to have had him committed. This is likely to breed ill blood.
Thence I away home, calling at my mercer's and tailor's, and there find,
as I expected, Mr. Caesar and little Pelham Humphreys, lately returned
from France, and is an absolute Monsieur, as full of form, and confidence,
and vanity, and disparages everything, and everybody's skill but his own.
The truth is, every body says he is very able, but to hear how he laughs
at all the King's musick here, as Blagrave and others, that they cannot
keep time nor tune, nor understand anything; and that Grebus, the
Frenchman, the King's master of the musick, how he understands nothing,
nor can play on any instrument, and so cannot compose: and that he will
give him a lift out of his place; and that he and the King are mighty
great! and that he hath already spoke to the King of Grebus would make a
man piss. I had a good dinner for them, as a venison pasty and some fowl,
and after dinner we did play, he on the theorbo. Mr. Caesar on his French
lute, and I on the viol, but made but mean musique, nor do I see that this
Frenchman do so much wonders on the theorbo, but without question he is a
good musician, but his vanity do offend me. They gone, towards night, I
to the office awhile, and then home and to my chamber, where busy till by
and by comes Mr. Moore, and he staid and supped and talked with me about
many things, and tells me his great fear that all things will go to ruin
among us, for that the King hath, as he says Sir Thomas Crew told him,
been heard to say that the quarrel is not between my Lord Chancellor and
him, but his brother and him; which will make sad work among us if that be
once promoted, as to be sure it will, Buckingham and Bristoll being now
the only counsel the King follows, so as Arlington and Coventry are come
to signify little. He tells me they are likely to fall upon my Lord
Sandwich; but, for my part, sometimes I am apt to think they cannot do him
much harm, he telling me that there is no great fear of the business of
Resumption! By and by, I got him to read part of my Lord Cooke's chapter
of treason, which is mighty well worth reading, and do inform me in many
things, and for aught I see it is useful now to know what these crimes
are. And then to supper, and after supper he went away, and so I got the
girl to comb my head, and then to bed, my eyes bad. This day, Poundy, the
waterman, was with me, to let me know that he was summonsed to bear
witness against me to Prince Rupert's people (who have a commission to
look after the business of prize-goods) about the business of the
prize-goods I was concerned in: but I did desire him to speak all he knew,
and not to spare me, nor did promise nor give him any thing, but sent him
away with good words, to bid him say all he knew to be true. This do not
trouble me much.
16th. At the office all the morning, and at noon took my Lord Bruncker
into the garden, and there told him of his man Carcasses proceedings
against the Office in the House of Commons. I did [not] desire nor advise
him anything, but in general, that the end of this might be ruin to the
Office, but that we shall be brought to fencing for ourselves, and that
will be no profit to the office, but let it light where it would I thought
I should be as well as any body. This I told him, and so he seeming to be
ignorant of it, and not pleased with it, we broke off by Sir Thos. Harvy's
coming to us from the Pay Office, whither we had sent a smart letter we
had writ to him this morning about keeping the clerks at work at the
making up the books, which I did to place the fault somewhere, and now I
let him defend himself. He was mighty angry, and particularly with me,
but I do not care, but do rather desire it, for I will not spare him, that
we shall bear the blame, and such an idle fellow as he have L500 a year
for nothing. So we broke off, and I home to dinner, and then to the
office, and having spent the afternoon on letters, I took coach in the
evening, and to White Hall, where there is to be a performance of musique
of Pelham's before the King. The company not come; but I did go into the
musique-room, where Captain Cocke and many others; and here I did hear the
best and the smallest organ go that ever I saw in my life, and such a one
as, by the grace of God, I will have the next year, if I continue in this
condition, whatever it cost me. I never was so pleased in my life.
Thence, it being too soon, I to Westminster Hall, it being now about 7 at
night, and there met Mr. Gregory, my old acquaintance, an understanding
gentleman; and he and I walked an hour together, talking of the bad
prospect of the times; and the sum of what I learn from him is this: That
the King is the most concerned in the world against the Chancellor, and
all people that do not appear against him, and therefore is angry with the
Bishops, having said that he had one Bishop on his side (Crofts ), and but
one: that Buckingham and Bristoll are now his only Cabinet Council;
[The term Cabinet Council, as stated by Clarendon, originated thus,
in 1640: "The bulk and burden of the state affairs lay principally
upon the shoulders of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of
Strafford, and the Lord Cottington; some others being joined to
them, as the Earl of Northumberland for ornament, the Bishop of
London for his place, the two Secretaries, Sir H. Vane and Sir
Francis Windebank, for service and communication of intelligence:
only the Marquis of Hamilton, indeed, by his skill and interest,
bore as great a part as he had a mind to do, and had the skill to
meddle no further than he had a mind. These persons made up the
committee of state, which was reproachfully after called the junto,
and enviously then in the Court the Cabinet Council" ("History of
the Rebellion," vol. i., p. 211, edit. 1849).]
and that, before the Duke of York fell sick, Buckingham was admitted to
the King of his Cabinet, and there stayed with him several hours, and the
Duke of York shut out. That it is plain that there is dislike between the
King and Duke of York, and that it is to be feared that the House will go
so far against the Chancellor, that they must do something to undo the
Duke of York, or will not think themselves safe. That this Lord Vaughan,
that is so great against the Chancellor, is one of the lewdest fellows of
the age, worse than Sir Charles Sidly; and that he was heard to swear, God
damn him, he would do my Lord Clarendon's business. That he do find that
my Lord Clarendon hath more friends in both Houses than he believes he
would have, by reason that they do see what are the hands that pull him
down; which they do not like. That Harry Coventry was scolded at by the
King severely the other day; and that his answer was that, if he must not
speak what he thought in this business in Parliament, he must not come
thither. And he says that by this very business Harry Coventry hath got
more fame and common esteem than any gentleman in England hath at this
day, and is an excellent and able person. That the King, who not long ago
did say of Bristoll, that he was a man able in three years to get himself
a fortune in any kingdom in the world, and lose all again in three months,
do now hug him, and commend his parts every where, above all the world.
How fickle is this man [the King], and how unhappy we like to be! That he
fears some furious courses will be taken against the Duke of York; and
that he hath heard that it was designed, if they cannot carry matters
against the Chancellor, to impeach the Duke of York himself, which God
forbid! That Sir Edward Nicholas, whom he served while Secretary, is one
of the best men in the world, but hated by the Queen-Mother, for a service
he did the old King against her mind and her favourites; and that she and
my Lady Castlemayne did make the King to lay him aside: but this man says
that he is one of the most perfect heavenly and charitable men in the
whole world. That the House of Commons resolve to stand by their
proceedings, and have chosen a Committee to draw up the reasons thereof to
carry to the Lords; which is likely to breed great heat between them.
That the Parliament, after all this, is likely to give the King no money;
and, therefore, that it is to be wondered what makes the King give way to
so great extravagancies, which do all tend to the making him less than he
is, and so will, every day more and more: and by this means every creature
is divided against the other, that there never was so great an uncertainty
in England, of what would, be the event of things, as at this day; nobody
being at ease, or safe. Being full of his discourse, and glad of the
rencontre, I to White Hall; and there got into the theater-room, and there
heard both the vocall and instrumentall musick, where the little fellow'
stood keeping time; but for my part, I see no great matter, but quite the
contrary in both sorts of musique. The composition I believe is very
good, but no more of delightfulness to the eare or understanding but what
is very ordinary. Here was the King and Queen, and some of the ladies;
among whom none more jolly than my Lady Buckingham, her Lord being once
more a great man. Thence by coach home and to my office, ended my
letters, and then home to supper, and, my eyes being bad, to bed.
17th (Lord's day). Up, and to church with my wife. A dull sermon of Mr.
Mills, and then home, without strangers to dinner, and then my wife to
read, and I to the office, enter my journall to this day, and so home with
great content that it is done, but with sorrow to my eyes. Then home, and
got my wife to read to me out of Fuller's Church History, when by and by
comes Captain Cocke, who sat with me all the evening, talking, and I find
by him, as by all others, that we are like to expect great confusions, and
most of our discourse was the same, and did agree with that the last
night, particularly that about the difference between the King and the
Duke of York which is like to be. He tells me that he hears that Sir W.
Coventry was, a little before the Duke of York fell sick, with the Duke of
York in his closet, and fell on his knees, and begged his pardon for what
he hath done to my Lord Chancellor; but this I dare not soon believe. But
he tells me another thing, which he says he had from the person himself
who spoke with the Duke of Buckingham, who, he says, is a very sober and
worthy man, that he did lately speak with the Duke of Buckingham about his
greatness now with the King, and told him-"But, sir, these things that the
King do now, in suffering the Parliament to do all this, you know are not
fit for the King to suffer, and you know how often you have said to me
that the King was a weak man, and unable to govern, but to be governed,
and that you could command him as you listed; why do you suffer him to go
on in these things?"--"Why," says the Duke of Buckingham, "I do suffer him
to do this, that I may hereafter the better command him." This he swears
to me the person himself to whom the Duke of Buckingham said this did tell
it him, and is a man of worth, understanding, and credit. He told me one
odd passage by the Duke of Albemarle, speaking how hasty a man he is, and
how for certain he would have killed Sir W. Coventry, had he met him in a
little time after his shewing his letter in the House. He told me that a
certain lady, whom he knows, did tell him that, she being certainly
informed that some of the Duke of Albemarle's family did say that the Earl
of Torrington was a bastard, [she] did think herself concerned to tell the
Duke of Albemarle of it, and did first tell the Duchesse, and was going to
tell the old man, when the Duchesse pulled her back by the sleeve, and
hindered her, swearing to her that if he should hear it, he would
certainly kill the servant that should be found to have said it, and
therefore prayed her to hold her peace. One thing more he told me, which
is, that Garraway is come to town, and is thinking how to bring the House
to mind the public state of the nation and to put off these particular
piques against man and man, and that he propounding this to Sir W.
Coventry, Sir W. Coventry did give no encouragement to it: which he says
is that by their running after other men he may escape. But I do believe
this is not true neither. But however I am glad that Garraway is here,
and that he do begin to think of the public condition in reference to our
neighbours that we are in, and in reference to ourselves, whereof I am
mightily afeard of trouble. So to supper, and he gone and we to bed.
18th. Up, and all the morning at my office till 3 after noon with Mr.
Hater about perfecting my little pocket market book of the office, till my
eyes were ready to fall out of my head, and then home to dinner, glad that
I had done so much, and so abroad to White Hall, to the Commissioners of
the Treasury, and there did a little business with them, and so home,
leaving multitudes of solicitors at their door, of one sort or other,
complaining for want of such despatch as they had in my Lord Treasurer's
time, when I believe more business was despatched, but it was in his
manner to the King's wrong. Among others here was Gresham College coming
about getting a grant of Chelsey College for their Society, which the
King, it seems, hath given them his right in; but they met with some other
pretences, I think; to it, besides the King's. Thence took up my wife,
whom I had left at her tailor's, and home, and there, to save my eyes, got
my wife at home to read again, as last night, in the same book, till W.
Batelier come and spent the evening talking with us, and supped with us,
and so to bed.
19th. To the office, and thence before noon I, by the Board's direction,
to the Parliament House to speak with Sir R. Brookes about the meaning of
an order come to us this day to bring all the books of the office to the
Committee. I find by him that it is only about the business of an order
of ours for paying off the ships by ticket, which they think I on behalf
of my Lord Bruncker do suppress, which vexes me, and more at its
occasioning the bringing them our books. So home and to dinner, where Mr.
Shepley with me, newly come out of the country, but I was at little
liberty to talk to him, but after dinner with two contracts to the
Committee, with Lord Bruncker and Sir T. Harvy, and there did deliver
them, and promised at their command more, but much against my will. And
here Sir R. Brookes did take me alone, and pray me to prevent their
trouble, by discovering the order he would have. I told him I would
suppress none, nor could, but this did not satisfy him, and so we parted,
I vexed that I should bring on myself this suspicion. Here I did stand by
unseen, and did hear their impertinent yet malicious examinations of some
rogues about the business of Bergen, wherein they would wind in something
against my Lord Sandwich (it was plain by their manner of examining, as
Sir Thomas Crew did afterwards observe to me, who was there), but all
amounted to little I think. But here Sir Thomas Crew and W. Hewer, who
was there also, did tell me that they did hear Captain Downing give a
cruel testimony against my Lord Bruncker, for his neglect, and doing
nothing, in the time of straits at Chatham, when he was spoke to, and did
tell the Committee that he, Downing, did presently after, in Lord
Bruncker's hearing, tell the Duke of Albemarle, that if he might advise
the King, he should hang both my Lord Bruncker and Pett. This is very
hard. Thence with W. Hewer and our messenger, Marlow, home by coach, and
so late at letters, and then home to supper, and my wife to read and then
to bed. This night I wrote to my father, in answer to a new match which
is proposed (the executor of Ensum, my sister's former servant) for my
sister, that I will continue my mind of giving her L500, if he likes of
the match. My father did also this week, by Shepley, return me up a
'guinny, which, it seems, upon searching the ground, they have found since
I was there. I was told this day that Lory Hide,
[Laurence Hyde, second son of Lord Chancellor Clarendon (1614-1711).
He held many important offices, and was First Lord of the Treasury,
1679-84; created Earl of Rochester in 1681, and K.G. 1685.]
second son of my Lord Chancellor, did some time since in the House say,
that if he thought his father was guilty but of one of the things then
said against him, he would be the first that should call for judgement
against him: which Mr. Waller, the poet, did say was spoke like the old
Roman, like Brutus, for its greatness and worthiness.
20th. Up, and all the morning at my office shut up with Mr. Gibson, I
walking and he reading to me the order books of the office from the
beginning of the war, for preventing the Parliament's having them in their
hands before I have looked them over and seen the utmost that can be said
against us from any of our orders, and to my great content all the morning
I find none. So at noon home to dinner with my clerks, who have of late
dined frequently with me, and I do purpose to have them so still, by that
means I having opportunity to talk with them about business, and I love
their company very well. All the morning Mr. Hater and the boy did shut
up themselves at my house doing something towards the finishing the
abstract book of our contracts for my pocket, which I shall now want very
much. After dinner I stayed at home all the afternoon, and Gibson with
me; he and I shut up till about ten at night. We went through all our
orders, and towards the end I do meet with two or three orders for our
discharging of two or three little vessels by ticket without money, which
do plunge me; but, however, I have the advantage by this means to study an
answer and to prepare a defence, at least for myself. So he gone I to
supper, my mind busy thinking after our defence in this matter, but with
vexation to think that a thing of this kind, which in itself brings
nothing but trouble and shame to us, should happen before all others to
become a charge against us. This afternoon Mr. Mills come and visited me,
and stayed a little with me (my wife being to be godmother to his child
to-morrow), and among other talk he told me how fully satisfactory my
first Report was to the House in the business of Chatham: which I am glad
to hear; and the more, for that I know that he is a great creature of Sir
R. Brookes's.
21st. Up, and to the office, where all the morning, and at noon home,
where my wife not very well, but is to go to Mr. Mills's child's
christening, where she is godmother, Sir J. Minnes and Sir R. Brookes her
companions. I left her after dinner (my clerks dining with me) to go with
Sir J. Minnes, and I to the office, where did much business till after
candlelight, and then my eyes beginning to fail me, I out and took coach
to Arundell House, where the meeting of Gresham College was broke up; but
there meeting Creed, I with him to the taverne in St. Clement's
Churchyard, where was Deane Wilkins, Dr. Whistler, Dr. Floyd, a divine
admitted, I perceive, this day, and other brave men; and there, among
other things of news, I do hear, that upon the reading of the House of
Commons's Reasons of the manner of their proceedings in the business of my
Lord Chancellor, the Reasons were so bad, that my Lord Bristoll himself
did declare that he would not stand to what he had, and did still, advise
the Lords to concur to, upon any of the Reasons of the House of Commons;
but if it was put to the question whether it should be done on their
Reasons, he would be against them; and indeed it seems the
Reasons--however they come to escape the House of Commons, which shews how
slightly the greatest matters are done in this world, and even in
Parliaments were none of them of strength, but the principle of them
untrue; they saying, that where any man is brought before a judge, accused
of Treason in general, without specifying the particular, the judge do
there constantly and is obliged to commit him. Whereas the question being
put by the Lords to my Lord Keeper, he said that quite the contrary was
true: and then, in the Sixth Article (I will get a copy of them if I can)
there are two or three things strangely asserted to the diminishing of the
King's power, as is said, at least things that heretofore would not have
been heard of. But then the question being put among the Lords, as my
Lord Bristoll advised, whether, upon the whole matter and Reasons that had
been laid before them, they would commit my Lord Clarendon, it was carried
five to one against it; there being but three Bishops against him, of whom
Cosens and Dr. Reynolds were two, and I know not the third. This made the
opposite Lords, as Bristoll and Buckingham, so mad, that they declared and
protested against it, speaking very broad that there was mutiny and
rebellion in the hearts of the Lords, and that they desired they might
enter their dissents, which they did do, in great fury. So that upon the
Lords sending to the Commons, as I am told, to have a conference for them
to give their answer to the Commons's Reasons, the Commons did desire a
free conference: but the Lords do deny it; and the reason is, that they
hold not the Commons any Court, but that themselves only are a Court, and
the Chief Court of judicature, and therefore are not to dispute the laws
and method of their own Court with them that are none, and so will not
submit so much as to have their power disputed. And it is conceived that
much of this eagerness among the Lords do arise from the fear some of them
have, that they may be dealt with in the same manner themselves, and
therefore do stand upon it now. It seems my Lord Clarendon hath, as is
said and believed, had his horses several times in his coach, ready to
carry him to the Tower, expecting a message to that purpose; but by this
means his case is like to be laid by. From this we fell to other
discourse, and very good; among the rest they discourse of a man that is a
little frantic, that hath been a kind of minister, Dr. Wilkins saying that
he hath read for him in his church, that is poor and a debauched man, that
the College' have hired for 20s. to have some of the blood of a sheep let
into his body; and it is to be done on Saturday next.