The Founder of New France: A Chronicle of Champlain

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The spot chosen for the settlement lay on the north side
of the bay. It had a good supply of water, and there was
protection from the north-west wind which had tortured
the settlers at St Croix. 'After everything had been
arranged,' says Champlain, 'and the majority of the
dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to
France, in order to petition His Majesty to grant him
all that might be necessary for his undertaking.' Quite
apart from securing fresh advantages, De Monts at this
time was sore pressed to defend his title against the
traders who were clamouring for a repeal of the monopoly.
With him returned some of the colonists whose ambition
had been satisfied at St Croix. Champlain remained, in
the hope of making further explorations 'towards Florida.'
Pontgrave was left in command. The others numbered
forty-three.

During the autumn they began to make gardens. 'I also,'
says Champlain, 'for the sake of occupying my time made
one, which was surrounded with ditches full of water, in
which I placed some fine trout, and into which flowed
three brooks of very fine running water, from which the
greater part of our settlement was supplied. I made also
a little sluice-way towards the shore, in order to draw
off the water when I wished. This spot was entirely
surrounded by meadows, where I constructed a summer-house,
with some fine trees, as a resort for enjoying the fresh
air. I made there, also, a little reservoir for holding
salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them. I
took especial pleasure in it and planted there some seeds
which turned out well. But much work had to be laid out
in preparation. We resorted often to this place as a
pastime; and it seemed as if the little birds round took
pleasure in it, for they gathered there in large numbers,
warbling and chirping so pleasantly that I think I have
never heard the like.'

After a busy and cheerful autumn came a mild winter. The
snow did not fall till December 20, and there was much
rain. Scurvy still caused trouble; but though twelve
died, the mortality was not so high as at St Croix.
Everything considered, Port Royal enjoyed good
fortune--according to the colonial standards of the
period, when a winter death-rate of twenty-six per cent
was below the average.

At the beginning of March 1606 Pontgrave fitted out a
barque of eighteen tons in order to undertake 'a voyage
of discovery along the coast of Florida'; and on the 16th
of the month a start was made. Favoured by good weather,
he and Champlain would have reached the Hudson three
years before the Dutch. But, short of drowning, every
possible mischance happened. They had hardly set out when
a storm cast them ashore near Grand Manan. Having repaired
the damage they made for St Croix, where fog and contrary
winds held them back eight days. Then Pontgrave decided
to return to Port Royal 'to see in what condition our
companions were whom we had left there sick.' On their
arrival Pontgrave himself was taken ill, but soon
re-embarked, though still unwell. Their second start was
followed by immediate disaster. Leaving the mouth of the
harbour, two leagues distant from Port Royal, they were
carried out of the channel by the tide and went aground.
'At the first blow of our boat upon the rocks the rudder
broke, a part of the keel and three or four planks were
smashed and some ribs stove in, which frightened us, for
our barque filled immediately; and all that we could do
was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get
ashore... Our barque, all shattered as she was, went to
pieces at the return of the tide. But we, most happy at
having saved our lives, returned to our settlement with
our poor savages; and we praised God for having rescued
us from this shipwreck, from which we had not expected
to escape so easily.'

This accident destroyed all hope of exploration to the
southward until word came from France. At the time of De
Monts' departure the outlook had been so doubtful that
a provisional arrangement was made for the return of the
colonists to France should no ship arrive at Port Royal
by the middle of July. In this event Pontgrave was to
take his people to Cape Breton or Gaspe, where they would
find trading ships homeward bound. As neither De Monts
nor Poutrincourt had arrived by the middle of June, a
new barque was built to replace the one which had been
lost on April 10. A month later Pontgrave carried out
his part of the programme by putting aboard all the
inhabitants of Port Royal save two, who were induced by
promise of extra pay to remain in charge of the stores.

Thus sorrowfully the remnant of the colonists bade farewell
to the beautiful harbour and their new home. Four days
later they were nearly lost through the breaking of their
rudder in the midst of a tempest. Having been saved from
wreck by the skill of their shipmaster, Champdore, they
reached Cape Sable on July 24. Here grief became rejoicing,
for to their complete surprise they encountered Ralleau,
De Monts' secretary, coasting along in a shallop. The
glad tidings he gave them was that Poutrincourt with a
ship of one hundred and twenty tons had arrived. From
Canseau the Jonas had taken an outer course to Port Royal,
while Ralleau was keeping close to the shore in the hope
of intercepting Pontgrave. 'All this intelligence,' says
Champlain, 'caused us to turn back; and we arrived at
Port Royal on the 25th of the month, where we found the
above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de Poutrincourt, and
were greatly delighted to see realized what we had given
up in despair.' Lescarbot, who arrived on board the Jonas,
adds the following detail: 'M. de Poutrincourt ordered
a tun of wine to be set upon end, one of those which had
been given him for his proper use, and gave leave to all
comers to drink freely as long as it lasted, so that
there were some who made gay dogs of themselves.'

Wine-bibbing, however, was not the chief activity of Port
Royal. Poutrincourt at once set men to work on the land,
and while they were sowing wheat, rye, and hemp he hastened
preparations for an autumn cruise 'along the coast of
Florida.' On September 5 all was ready for this voyage,
which was to be Champlain's last opportunity of reaching
the lands beyond Cape Cod. Once more disappointment
awaited him. 'It was decided,' he says, 'to continue the
voyage along the coast, which was not a very well considered
conclusion, since we lost much time in passing over again
the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the
harbour of Mallebarre. It would have been much better,
in my opinion, to cross from where we were directly to
Mallebarre, the route being already known, and then use
our time in exploring as far as the fortieth degree, or
still farther south, revisiting upon our homeward voyage
the entire coast at pleasure.'

In the interest of geographical research and French
colonization Champlain was doubtless right. Unfortunately,
Poutrincourt wished to see for himself what De Monts and
Champlain had already seen. It was the more unfortunate
that he held this view, as the boats were victualled for
over two months, and much could have been done by taking
a direct course to Cape Cod. Little time, however, was
spent at the Penobscot and Kennebec. Leaving St Croix on
September 12, Poutrincourt reached the Saco on the 21st.
Here and at points farther south he found ripe grapes,
together with maize, pumpkins, squashes, and artichokes.
Gloucester Harbour pleased Champlain greatly. 'In this
very pleasant place we saw two hundred savages, and there
are here a large number of very fine walnut trees,
cypresses, sassafras, oaks, ashes and beeches. ...There
are likewise fine meadows capable of supporting a large
number of cattle.' So much was he charmed with this
harbour and its surroundings that he called it Le Beauport.
After tarrying at Gloucester two or three days Poutrincourt
reached Cape Cod on October 2, and on the 20th he stood
off Martha's Vineyard, his farthest point.

Champlain's chronicle of this voyage contains more detail
regarding the Indians than will be found in any other
part of his Acadian narratives. Chief among Poutrincourt's
adventures was an encounter with the natives of Cape Cod.
Unlike the Micmacs, the Armouchiquois were 'not so much
hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.' Their
numbers also were greater; in fact, Champlain speaks of
seeing five or six hundred together. At first they did
not interfere with Poutrincourt's movements, even permitting
him to roam their land with a body of arquebusiers. After
a fortnight, however, their suspicions began to become
manifest, and on October 15 four hundred savages set upon
five Frenchmen who, contrary to orders, had remained
ashore. Four were killed, and although a rescue party
set out at once from the barque, the natives made their
escape.

To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously
swift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead
bodies and bury them near a cross which had been set
up the day before, and then to go here and there to
see if we could get sight of any of them. But it was
time wasted, therefore we came back. Three hours
afterwards they returned to us on the sea-shore. We
discharged at them several shots from our little brass
cannon, and when they heard the noise they crouched
down on the ground to escape the fire. In mockery of
us they pulled down the cross and disinterred the
dead, which displeased us greatly and caused us to go
for them a second time; but they fled, as they had
done before. We set up again the cross and reinterred
the dead, whom they had thrown here and there amid
the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We
returned without any result, as we had done before,
well aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging
ourselves this time, and that we should have to renew
the undertaking when it should please God.

With a desire for revenge was linked the practical
consideration that slaves would prove useful at Port
Royal. A week later the French returned to the same place,
'resolved to get possession of some savages and, taking
them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the
hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which
they had committed on five or six of our company.' As
relations were strained, it became necessary to offer
beads and gewgaws, with every show of good faith. Champlain
describes the plan in full. The shallop was to leave the
barque for shore, taking

the most robust and strong men we had, each one having
a chain of beads and a fathom of match on his arm;
and there, while pretending to smoke with them (each
one having an end of his match lighted so as not to
excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at
the end of a cord in order to light the tobacco), coax
them with pleasing words so as to draw them into the
shallop; and if they should be unwilling to enter,
each one approaching should choose his man and, putting
the beads round his neck, should at the same time put
the rope on him to draw him by force. But if they
should be too boisterous and it should not be possible
to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being
firmly held; and if by chance any of them should get
away, there should be men on land to charge upon them
with swords. Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque
was to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in
case they should come to assist them, under cover of
which firearms the shallop could withdraw in security.

This plot, though carefully planned, fell far short of
the success which was anticipated. To catch a redskin
with a noose required more skill than was available.
Accordingly, none were taken alive. Champlain says: 'We
retired to our barque after having done all we could.'
Lescarbot adds: 'Six or seven of the savages were hacked
and hewed in pieces, who could not run so lightly in the
water as on shore, and were caught as they came out by
those of our men who had landed.'

Having thus taken an eye for an eye, Poutrincourt began
his homeward voyage, and, after three or four escapes
from shipwreck, reached Port Royal on November 14.

Champlain was now about to spend his last winter in
Acadia. Mindful of former experiences, he determined to
fight scurvy by encouraging exercise among the colonists
and procuring for them an improved diet. A third desideratum
was cheerfulness. All these purposes he served through
founding the Ordre de Bon Temps, which proved to be in
every sense the life of the settlement. Champlain himself
briefly describes the procedure followed, but a far more
graphic account is given by Lescarbot, whose diffuse and
lively style is illustrated to perfection in the following
passage:

To keep our table joyous and well provided, an order
was established at the board of the said M. de
Poutrincourt, which was called the Order of Good Cheer,
originally proposed by Champlain. To this Order each
man of the said table was appointed Chief Steward in
his turn, which came round once a fortnight. Now, this
person had the duty of taking care that we were all
well and honourably provided for. This was so well
carried out that though the epicures of Paris often
tell us that we had no Rue aux Ours over there, as a
rule we made as good cheer as we could have in this
same Rue aux Ours, and at less cost. For there was no
one who, two days before his turn came, failed to go
hunting or fishing, and to bring back some delicacy
in addition to our ordinary fare. So well was this
carried out that never at breakfast did we lack some
savoury meat of flesh or fish, and still less at our
midday or evening meals; for that was our chief banquet,
at which the ruler of the feast or chief butler, whom
the savages called Atoctegic, having had everything
prepared by the cook, marched in, napkin on shoulder,
wand of office in hand, and around his neck the collar
of the Order, which was worth more than four crowns;
after him all the members of the Order carrying each
a dish. The same was repeated at dessert, though not
always with so much pomp. And at night, before giving
thanks to God, he handed over to his successor in the
charge the collar of the Order, with a cup of wine,
and they drank to each other. I have already said that
we had abundance of game, such as ducks, bustards,
grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and other
birds; moreover moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear,
rabbits, wild-cats, racoons, and other animals such
as the savages caught, whereof we made dishes well
worth those of the cook-shop in the Rue aux Ours, and
far more; for of all our meats none is so tender as
moose-meat (whereof we also made excellent pasties)
and nothing so delicate as beaver's tail. Yea, sometimes
we had half a dozen sturgeon at once, which the savages
brought us, part of which we bought, and allowed them
to sell the remainder publicly and to barter it for
bread, of which our men had abundance. As for the
ordinary rations brought from France, they were
distributed equally to great and small alike; and, as
we have said, the wine was served in like manner.

The results of this regime were most gratifying. The
deaths from scurvy dropped to seven, which represented
a great proportionate decrease. At the same time,
intercourse with the Indians was put on a good basis
thereby. 'At these proceedings,' says Lescarbot, 'we
always had twenty or thirty savages--men, women, girls,
and children--who looked on at our manner of service.
Bread was given them gratis, as one would do to the poor.
But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other chiefs who
came from time to time, they sat at table eating and
drinking like ourselves. And we were glad to see them,
while, on the contrary, their absence saddened us.'

These citations bring into view the writer who has most
copiously recorded the early annals of Acadia--Marc
Lescarbot. He was a lawyer, and at this date about forty
years old. Having come to Port Royal less as a colonist
than as a guest of Poutrincourt, he had no investment at
stake. But contact with America kindled the enthusiasm
of which he had a large supply, and converted him into
the historian of New France. His story of the winter he
passed at Port Royal is quite unlike other narratives of
colonial experience at this period. Champlain was a
geographer and preoccupied with exploration. The Jesuits
were missionaries and preoccupied with the conversion of
the savages. Lescarbot had a literary education, which
Champlain lacked, and, unlike the Jesuits, he approached
life in America from the standpoint of a layman. His
prolixity often serves as a foil to the terseness of
Champlain, and suggests that he must have been a merciless
talker. Yet, though inclined to be garrulous, he was a
good observer and had many correct ideas--notably the
belief that corn, wine, and cattle are a better foundation
for a colony than gold or silver mines. In temperament
he and Champlain were very dissimilar, and evidence of
mutual coolness may be found in their writings. These we
shall consider at a later stage. For the present it is
enough to note that both men sat at Poutrincourt's table
and adorned the Order of Good Cheer.

Meanwhile De Monts was in France, striving with all the
foes of the monopoly. Thanks to the fur trade, his company
had paid its way during the first two years, despite the
losses at St Croix. The third season had been much less
prosperous, and at the same moment when the Dutch and
the Basques [Footnote: Traders from the extreme south of
France, whose chief port was St Jean de Luz. Though living
on the confines of France and Spain, the Basques were of
different racial origin from both Spaniards and French.
While subject politically to France, their remoteness
from the main ports of Normandy and Brittany kept them
out of touch with the mariners of St Malo and Havre, save
as collision arose between them in the St Lawrence. Among
the Basques there were always interlopers, even when St
Jean de Luz had been given a share in the monopoly. They
are sometimes called Spaniards, from their close
neighbourhood to the Pyrenees.] were breaking the monopoly
by defiance, the hatters of Paris were demanding that it
should be withdrawn altogether. To this alliance of a
powerful guild with a majority of the traders, the company
of De Monts succumbed, and the news which Poutrincourt
received when the first ship came in 1607 was that the
colony must be abandoned. As the company itself was about
to be dissolved, this consequence was inevitable. Champlain
in his matter-of-fact way states that De Monts sent
letters to Poutrincourt, 'by which he directed him to
bring back his company to France.' Lescarbot is much more
outspoken. Referring to the merits and struggles of De
Monts, he exclaims:

Yet I fear that in the end he may be forced to give
it all up, to the great scandal and reproach of the
French name, which by such conduct is made a
laughing-stock and a byword among the nations. For as
though their wish was to oppose the conversion of
these poor Western peoples, and the glory of God and
of the King, we find a set of men full of avarice and
envy, who would not draw a sword in the service of
the King, nor suffer the slightest ill in the world
for the honour of God, but who yet put obstacles in
the way of our drawing any profit from the province,
even in order to furnish what is indispensable to the
foundation of such an enterprise; men who prefer to
see the English and Dutch win possession of it rather
than the French, and would fain have the name of God
remain unknown in those quarters. And it is such
godless people who are listened to, who are believed,
and who win their suits. O tempora, O mores!

On August 11, 1607, Port Royal was abandoned for the
second time, and its people, sailing by Cape Breton,
reached Roscou in Brittany at the end of September. The
subsequent attempt of Poutrincourt and his family to
re-establish the colony at Port Royal belongs to the
history of Acadia rather than to the story of Champlain.
But remembering the spirit in which he and De Monts
strove, one feels glad that Lescarbot spoke his mind
regarding the opponents who baffled their sincere and
persistent efforts.

CHAPTER III

CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC

From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is
a league. I arrived there on the third of July, when
I searched for a place suitable for our settlement,
but I could find none more convenient or better than
the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which
was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a
portion of our workmen in cutting them down, that we
might construct our habitation there: one I set to
sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging
ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque
to get supplies. The first thing we made was the
storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies, which
was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all,
and my attention to the work.

Thus opens Champlain's account of the place with which
his name is linked imperishably. He was the founder of
Quebec and its preserver. During his lifetime the results
seemed pitifully small, but the task once undertaken was
never abandoned. By steadfastness he prevailed, and at
his death had created a colony which became the New France
of Talon and Frontenac, of La Salle and D'Iberville, of
Brebeuf and Laval. If Venice from amid her lagoons could
exclaim, Esto perpetua, Quebec, firm based upon her cliff,
can say to the rest of Canada, Attendite ad petram unde
excisi estis--'Look unto the rock whence ye are hewn.'

Champlain's Quebec was very poor in everything but courage.
The fact that it was founded by the men who had just
failed in Acadia gives proof of this virtue. Immediately
upon his return from Port Royal to France, Champlain
showed De Monts a map and plan which embodied the result
of his explorations during the last three years. They
then took counsel regarding the future, and with Champlain's
encouragement De Monts 'resolved to continue his noble
and meritorious undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships
and labours of the past.' It is significant that once
more Champlain names exploration as the distinctive
purpose of De Monts.

To expect a subsidy from the crown was futile, but Henry
felt compunction for his abrupt recall of the monopoly.
The result was that De Monts, in recognition of his
losses, was given a further monopoly--for the season of
1608 only. At the same time, he was expressly relieved
from the obligation to take out colonists. On this basis
De Monts found partners among the merchants of Rouen,
and three ships were fitted out--one for Acadia, the
others for the St Lawrence. Champlain, as lieutenant,
was placed in charge of the Laurentian expedition. With
him went the experienced and invaluable Pontgrave.

Nearly seventy-five years had now passed since Jacques
Cartier first came to anchor at the foot of Cape Diamond.
During this period no one had challenged the title of
France to the shores of the St Lawrence; in fact, a
country so desolate made no appeal to the French themselves.
Roberval's tragic experience at Cap Rouge had proved a
warning. To the average Frenchman of the sixteenth century
Canada meant what it afterwards meant to Sully and
Voltaire. It was a tract of snow; a land of barbarians,
bears, and beavers.

The development of the fur trade into a staple industry
changed this point of view to a limited extent. The
government, as we have seen, considered it desirable that
colonists should be established in New France at the
expense of traders. For the St Lawrence, however, the
first and only fruits of this enlightened policy had been
Chauvin's sixteen derelicts at Tadoussac.

The founding of Quebec represents private enterprise,
and not an expenditure of money by Henry IV for the sake
of promoting colonization. De Monts and Champlain were
determined to give France a foothold in America. The
rights upon which the venture of 1608 was financed did
not run beyond the year. Thenceforth trade was to be
free. It follows that De Monts and his partners, in
building a station at Quebec, did not rely for their
expenses upon any special favours from the crown. They
placed their reliance upon themselves, feeling confident
of their power to hold a fair share of the trade against
all comers. For Champlain Quebec was a fixed point on
the way to the Orient. For De Monts it was a key to the
commerce of the great river. None of his rivals would
begin the season of 1609 with a permanent post in Canada.
Thus part of the anticipated profits for 1608 was invested
to secure an advantage in the approaching competition.
The whole success of the plan depended upon the mutual
confidence of De Monts and Champlain, both of whom
unselfishly sought the advancement of French interests
in America--De Monts, the courageous capitalist and
promoter; Champlain, the explorer whose discoveries were
sure to enlarge the area of trading operations.

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