The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin

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He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed,
be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon
the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible
they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety
in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession,
and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage
of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to,
but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles
of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed
a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and
in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd
its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes,
which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's
being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried
the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion,
thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon
their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily
distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers
were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders,
and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed;
and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd;
their example was immediately followed by others; so that all
the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy.
The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty;
his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out
of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded,
and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred.
These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army;
the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow
with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage.
The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp,
and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him
and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men,
and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed
four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding,
and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered
all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might
have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements,
and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from
the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would
post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection
to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro'
all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd
at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole
transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted
ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.

In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond
the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants,
totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing,
and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough
to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really
wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends
in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our
country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles,
occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig,
a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and,
being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd
with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that
he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said,
"Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day,
saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with them
another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after.

The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders,
instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands,
they selected and translated into French a number of the articles,
which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British
court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters
of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service
I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice.
David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford,
when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary
of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office,
letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition
having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought
of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would
give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants,
and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted.
This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd
to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command
devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia,
on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge
of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he
had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead.
He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton,
where he should be in a few days on his march to New York,
he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at
the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd
to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known,
all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond
to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting
them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that
orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley,
and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter;
but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd,
and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy,
and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me
from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine
the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty
thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came
to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray
the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit
at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne.
I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough
to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion
to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately
comply with their proposal. "Why the d--l!" says one of them,
"you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?"
"I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events
of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons
of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby
missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework
had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward,
said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message
after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into
the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province,
without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had
rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause,
now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger
and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm,
believing they had justice on their side, and that it would
be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor
to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was
for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was
only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all estates,
real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries
not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small,
but very material alteration. However, when the news of this
disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care
to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages,
rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and
injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going
so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province,
they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this,
and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand
pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly
for such purpose.

This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share
of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause,
which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the
commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds.
I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage,
and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing
and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro'
the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to
leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association
necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue,<14> stating
and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia,
which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

<14> This dialogue and the militia act are in the
"Gentleman's Magazine" for February and March, 1756.
--[Marg. note.]

While the several companies in the city and country were forming
and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take
charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy,
and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and
building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did
not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission
with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers,
to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty
in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command.
My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army
rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me.
The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians,
and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good
situation for one of the forts.

In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem,
the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find
it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut
had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were
defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and
ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small
paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses,
for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians
that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too,
kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town.
In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this
my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament
exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had
suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms.
He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles,
but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought
to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion,
however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few.
It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd
the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger,
will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.

It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business
of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink,
with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of
the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions;
and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut,
where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians
procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven
from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply
of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle.
I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd
many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day;
there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd
near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn,
we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us.
It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of
the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry.
The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we
had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned,
and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and
his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with
the rain.

The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at
the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were
left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves;
an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we
had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead
we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.

The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference
measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require
as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another,
of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy,
were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men
being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made.
Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch
when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon
the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine
made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end.
While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round,
of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted;
and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind
wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts
of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring
the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up,
our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six
feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes.
We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles,
and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any
were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort,
if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade,
was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day
that the men could not work.

This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they
are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd
and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good
day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days
they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork,
the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind
of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly
at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done
every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about,
"Oh," says he, "Make them scour the anchor."

This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense
against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted
securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd
out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians,
but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain
to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance
of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire
was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground
would by its light have discovered their position at a distance.
They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter,
and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut
off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods.
With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of
the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints
of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs
hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them,
is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not
discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke:
it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw
we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty,
who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers
and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay
and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd
out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening;
and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it;
upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity
of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal
it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you."
He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a
few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction,
and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended;
so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted
by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.

I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd
with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor,
acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my
attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers
was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary.
My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be,
if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being
now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms
under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly,
as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war,
being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command.
I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it
read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who,
from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them
than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave.
I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to
recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in
a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard
lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.

While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of
the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very
kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common
tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together.
In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all
along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed
for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd
with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys,
flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not
usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children,
as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes
the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men,
the young women, and the little children, each division by itself.
The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows
on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor,
and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd
well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing,
familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd
very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect
they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.

I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report
was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd
only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found
himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class,
who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women.
As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted
with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils,
they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments
were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen
that two or three young women were found to be equally proper
for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected,
if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties,
some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may,"
answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;"
which, indeed, I could not deny.

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went
on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty
generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose
their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law.
Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken
to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to
those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue;
however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy
his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases.
The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment,
which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had,
but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company
of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces,
which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times
in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me
to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door,
which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus.
And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our
commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on
a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their
heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town,
as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they
came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in
their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project,
or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming
of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at
their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me.
What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move,
they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way.
Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him
great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province,
nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to
princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know,
who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me,
which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the
Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation,
which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe
reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it.
He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to
the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House,
the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced
this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention
to take the government of the province out of his hands by force.
He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general,
to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure
from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.

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