Y Gododin
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Aneurin >> Y Gododin
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10 Transcribed by David Price, email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk
Y GODODIN
PREFACE
Aneurin, the author of this poem, was the son of Caw, lord of Cwm Cawlwyd, or
Cowllwg, a region in the North, which, as we learn from a Life of Gildas in
the monastery of Fleury published by Johannes a Bosco, comprehended Arecluta
or Strath Clyde. {0a} Several of his brothers seem to have emigrated from
Prydyn in company with their father before the battle of Cattraeth, and,
under the royal protection of Maelgwn Gwynedd, to have settled in Wales,
where they professed religious lives, and became founders of churches. He
himself, however, remained behind, and having been initiated into the
mysteries of Bardism, formed an intimate acquaintance with Owen, Cian,
Llywarch Hen, and Taliesin, all likewise disciples of the Awen. By the rules
of his order a Bard was not permitted ordinarily to bear arms, {0b} and
though the exceptional case, in which he might act differently, may be said
to have arisen from "the lawlessness and depredation" {0c} of the Saxons,
Aneurin does not appear to have been present at Cattraeth in any other
capacity than that of a herald Bard. Besides the absence of any intimation
to the contrary, we think the passages where he compares Owen to himself, and
where he makes proposals at the conference, and above all where he attributes
his safety to his "gwenwawd," conclusive on the subject. His heraldic
character would be recognised by all nations, according to the universal law
of warfare, whereas it is very improbable that any poetic effusion which he
might have delivered, could have influence upon a people whose language
differed so materially from his own.
The Gododin was evidently composed when the various occurrences that it
records were as yet fresh in the author's mind and recollection. It is
divided into stanzas, which, though they now amount to only ninety-seven, are
supposed to have originally corresponded in point of number with the
chieftains that went to Cattraeth. This is strongly intimated in the
declaration subjoined to Gorchan Cynvelyn, and cited in the notes at page 86,
and thence would we infer that the Gorchanau themselves are portions of the
Gododin, having for their object the commemoration of the persons whose names
they bear. Of course all of them, with the exception of the short one of
Adebon, contain passages that have been transposed from other stanzas, which
may account for their disproportionate lengths. This is especially the case
with Gorchan Maelderw, the latter, and by far the greater portion whereof, is
in the Carnhuanawc MS. detached from the former, and separately entitled
"Fragments of the Gododin and other pieces of the sixth century." That they
were "incantations," cannot be admitted; and if the word "gorchan," or
"gwarchan" mean here anything except simply "a canon, or fundamental part of
song," we should be inclined to consider it as synonymous with "gwarthan,"
and to suppose that the poems in question referred to the camps of Adebon,
Maelderw, and Cynvelyn:-
"Gwarchan Cynvelyn ar Ododin." {0d}
According to the tenor of the Cynvelyn statement, every stanza would bring
before us a fresh hero. This principle we have not overlooked in the
discrimination and arrangements of proper names, though owing to evident
omissions and interpolations, an irregularity in this respect occasionally
and of necessity occurs.
Aneurin, like a true poet of nature, abstains from all artful introduction or
invocation, and launches at once into his subject. His eye follows the
gorgeously and distinctively armed chiefs, as they move at the head of their
respective companies, and perform deeds of valour on the bloody field. He
delights to enhance by contrast their domestic and warlike habits, and
frequently recurs to the pang of sorrow, which the absence of the warriors
must have caused to their friends and relatives at home, and reflects with
much genuine feeling upon the disastrous consequences, that the loss of the
battle would entail upon these and their dear native land. And though he
sets forth his subject in the ornamental language of poetry, yet he is
careful not to transgress the bounds of truth. This is strikingly instanced
in the manner in which he names no less than four witnesses as vouchers for
the correctness of his description of Caradawg. Herein he produces one of
the "three agreements that ought to be in a song," viz. an agreement "between
truth and the marvellous." {0e}
He also gives "relish to his song," {0f} by adopting "a diversity of
structure in the metre;" for the lyric comes in occasionally to relieve the
solemnity of the heroic, whilst at the same time the latter is frequently
capable of being divided into a shorter verse, a plan which has been observed
in one of the MSS. used on the present occasion; e. g. the twelfth stanza is
thus arranged, -
Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth gan ddydd
Neus goreu } gywilydd
O gadeu }
Wy gwnaethant } gelorwydd
Yn geugant }
A llafn aur llawn anawdd ym bedydd
Goreu yw hyn cyn cystlwn carennydd
Ennaint creu} oe henydd
Ac angeu}
Rhag byddin} pan fu ddydd
Wawdodyn }
Neus goreu dan bwylliad neirthiad gwychydd.
But though Aneurin survived the battle of Cattraeth to celebrate the memory
of his less fortunate countrymen in this noble composition, he also
ultimately met with a violent death. The Triads relate that he was killed by
the blow of an axe, inflicted upon his head by Eiddin son of Einigan, which
event was in consequence branded as one of "the three accursed deeds of the
Isle of Britain." {0g}
His memory, however, lived in the Gododin, and the estimation in which the
poem was held by his successors has earned for him the title of "medeyrn
beirdd," the king of Bards. Davydd Benvras 1190-1240, prays for that genius
which would enable him
"To sing praises as Aneurin of yore,
The day he sang the Gododin. {0h}
Risserdyn 1290-1340 in an Ode to Hywel ab Gruffydd speaks of
"A tongue with the eloquence of Aneurin of splendid song." {0i}
And Sevnyn 1320-1378 asserts that
"The praise of Aneurin is proclaimed by thousands." {0j}
Such is the language in which the mediaeval Bards were accustomed to talk of
the author of the Gododin.
The basis of the present translation is a MS. on vellum apparently of about
the year 1200. In that MS. the lines are all written out to the margin,
without any regard to the measure. Capital letters are never introduced but
at the beginning of paragraphs, where they are ornamented and coloured
alternately red and green. At page 20 Gwilym Tew and Rhys Nanmor {0k} are
mentioned as the owners of the Book, but the names are written in a hand, and
with letters more modern than the MS. It at one time belonged to Mr. Jones
the Historian of Brecknockshire, and came latterly into the possession of the
late Rev. T. Price, with whose Executrix, Mrs. E. Powell of Abergavenny, it
now remains. The author of the Celtic Researches took a transcript of it,
which he communicated to the Rev. W. J. Rees, of Cascob, who had previously
copied the said transcript by the permission of the Rev. E. Davies. Mr.
Rees's copy was afterwards collated by Dr. Meyer with Mr. Davies's
transcript, and the only inaccuracy which had crept in was by him carefully
corrected. Dr. Meyer again transcribed Mr. Rees's copy for the use of the
present work, and that version in its turn has been collated by Mr. Rees,
during the progress of the work through the press, with the transcript in his
possession. To these two gentlemen the translator is under deep obligations.
Also to Mr. Owen Williams of Waunfawr, for the loan of three other manuscript
copies of the Gododin. Two of them occur in the same book, which purports to
have been a transcript made by the Rev. David Ellis, the first part, A.D.
1775 of an old book, the second part, June 7, 1777, of a book supposed to
have been written by Sion Brwynog about the year 1550. In these versions the
stanzas are not divided. The third version appears in a book containing a
variety of poems and articles in prose, of which, however, the writer or
copyist is not known, though one "Davydd Thomas" is mentioned in a poor
modern hand as being the owner. Our poem is therein headed "Y Gododin.
Aneurin ae cant. Gyda nodau y Parchedig Evan Evans." These "nodau" are
marginal notes, and evidently the different readings of another version.
The different copies or versions used are distinguished as follow; -
Myvyrian ... 1
D. Ellis ... 2
Ditto ... 3
D. Thomas ... 4
E. Evans ... 5
P. Panton ... 6
E. Davies ... 7
Dr. Meyer ... 8
Nos 1 and 6 are those which are printed in the Archaiology of Wales, vol. i.
All words that differ in form or meaning, though not in orthography, from
those of No. 7, are duly arranged at the foot of the page {0l}, from which it
will be seen that 1, 2, 3, 5, generally agree one with the other, whilst 4
and 6 also for the most part go together.
It is to be observed, moreover, that though we have taken No. 7 as our text,
we have not servilely confined ourself to it, but that wherever any of the
other versions have been considered preferable, we have unhesitatingly
adopted them. The different meanings, however, are generally inserted in the
notes.
INTRODUCTION
The country situate between the Humber and the Clyde in North Britain was,
for the most part, originally occupied by the Cymry, who here, as well as in
the west, displayed no mean valour in opposition to the Roman arms. The
latter certainly prevailed; nevertheless it is to be noticed that they did
not finally destroy, nor indeed to any material extent alter the national
features of Prydyn. This is evident from the manner in which the conquerors
thought fit to incorporate into their own geographical vocabulary many of the
local names, which they found already in use; and above all from the purely
ancestral character which the native chieftains exhibited on emerging from
the Roman ruins in the fifth century. Indeed to permit the defeated princes,
under certain restrictions, to enjoy their former rights and jurisdictions,
was perfectly in accordance with the usual policy of the Romans, as we may
learn from the testimony of Tacitus, who remarks, in reference to the British
king Cogidunus, that they granted to him certain states according to ancient
custom, and the reason assigned is that they might have even kings as
instruments of slavery. {1a} The homage of the subjugated provinces seems to
have consisted principally in the payment of a tribute of money, and the
furnishing of soldiers for foreign service.
Such, no doubt, was the position of Cunedda Wledig, who "began to reign about
A.D. 328, and died in 389"; {1b}
and who, according to the Historia Britonum attributed to Nennius, "venerat
de parte sinistrali, id est, de regione quae vocatur Manau Guotodin," {1c}
the heights of Gododin, and the same apparently with the territory of the
Ottadeni.
In the Myvyrian Archaiology, v. 1, p. 71, is printed an Elegy on Cunedda, the
work of one who had actually partaken of his royal munificence, who had
received from him "milch cows, horses, wine, oil, and a host of slaves." The
writer with respect to the martial prowess of his patron, observes,
"Trembling with fear of Cunedda,
Will be Caer Weir and Caer Liwelydd."
And again,
"A hundred times ere his shield was shattered in battle,
Bryneich obeyed his commands in the conflict."
The modern names of the localities, mentioned in these extracts, are
respectively Warwick, Carlisle {2a} and Bernicia. The two latter are in the
immediate vicinity of the Ottadeni; the former, being further removed, would
indicate the direction and extent of his arms.
From other sources we learn that Cunedda was the son of Edeyrn ab Padarn
Peisrudd, by Gwawl, daughter of Coel Godebog, and that he was entitled, in
right of his mother, to certain territories in Wales. When these were
invaded by the Gwyddyl, his sons, twelve in number, left their northern home
for the purpose of recovering the same, in which they were successful, though
the enemy was not finally extirpated until the battle at Cerrig y Gwyddyl, in
the succeeding generation. It is asserted by some that Cunedda accompanied
his sons in this expedition, and that it was undertaken as much through
inability to retain possession of their more immediate dominions, as from the
desire of acquiring or regaining other lands. However, though the sons
settled in Wales and on its borders, it is more accordant with the drift of
the Poem, already cited, to suppose that Cunedda himself died in the North.
Nevertheless, it is undoubted that the native chieftains began to suffer in
that part of the island from barbarian incursions even before the departure
of the Romans. Thus Ammianus Marcellinus, with reference to the year 364,
bears testimony, that "the Picts and Saxons and Scots and Attacots harassed
the Britons with continual oppressions." {2b}
The final abandonment of the island by the Romans occurred, according to
Zosimus, about A.D. 408 or 409, at which time the native princes arose to the
full enjoyment of feudal dignity and power. In the North, among others, we
find Pabo Post Prydain, a descendant of Coel Godebog in the 4th degree, and
Cynvarch Oer, a member of another branch of the same family; both of whom,
however, were compelled by the inroads of the predatory hordes, to leave
their territories and seek refuge in Wales, though it would appear that
Urien, son of the latter, succeeded subsequently in recovering his paternal
dominion.
The struggle continued, and the enemies had gradually extended themselves
along the coasts, when in 547 they received an important reinforcement by the
arrival of Ida with forty ships. Gododin, Deivyr, and Bryneich, being
situated on the eastern shore, would be especially exposed to the ravages of
these marauders. Indeed it does not appear that Gododin ever recovered its
pristine independence after the death of Cunedda, at least we do not hear
that any of his sons subsequently asserted their claims to it, or had
anything to do with the administration of its government: they all seem to
have ended their days in their western dominions. Deivyr and Bryneich,
however, were more fortunate, for we find that they were ruled as late as the
6th century by British monarchs, among whom are named Gall, Diffedell, and
Disgyrnin, the sons of Disgyvyndawd; {3a} though there is reason to believe
that at that time they were in treacherous alliance with the Saxons. A Triad
positively affirms, that "there were none of the Lloegrwys who did not
coalesce with the Saxons, save such as were found in Cornwall, and in the
Commot of Carnoban in Deivyr and Bryneich." {3b} And it is a remarkable
fact, as corroborative of this statement, that the Cymry ever after, as may
be seen in the works of the Bards, applied the term Bryneich to such of their
kindred as joined with the enemies of their country.
Certain it is, that, at the period of our Poem, the people of the three
provinces in question were open enemies of the Cymry, as appears from stanzas
iii, v, and ix. When we see there how the Bard commends one hero for not
yielding to the army of Gododin, and celebrates the praise of another who
committed an immense slaughter amongst the men of Deivyr and Bryneich, and
threatens, in the case of a third party, that if they were suspected of
leaning to the Bernician interest, he would himself raise his hand against
them, we can come to no other conclusion than that those countries were
arrayed against the Cymry when the battle of Cattraeth took place.
Ida had to encounter a powerful opponent in the person of Urien, king of
Rheged, a district in or near which Cattraeth lay, as we infer from two poems
of Taliesin. Thus, one entitled "Gwaith Gwenystrad," commences with the
words,
"Extol the men of Cattraeth, who, with the dawn,
Went with their victorious leader
Urien, a renowned elder." {3c}
In the other, called "Yspail Taliesin," Urien is styled "Glyw Cattraeth," the
ruler of Cattraeth. {4a} At the same time he is generally spoken of under
the title of Rheged's chief.
The leader of the hostile forces in the battle of Gwenystrad is not named,
but in the battle of Argoed Llwyvein we find him to be Flamddwyn or the Torch
bearer, a name by which the Britons delighted to designate the formidable
Ida. Flamddwyn's army on this occasion consisted of four legions, which
reached from Argoed to Arvynydd, and against them were arrayed the men of
Goddeu and Rheged, under the command of Ceneu ab Coel, and Owain, and "Urien
the prince."
Argoed, bordering on Deivyr and Bryneich, was ruled by Llywarch Hen, who
after his abdication and flight into Powys, pathetically records the loyal
attachment of his former subjects, -
"The men of Argoed have ever supported me." {4b}
The Historia Britonum enumerates three other kings, who with Urien fought
against the Saxons in the North, viz., Rhydderch, Gwallawg, and Morgant,
though the latter, under the impulse of envy, procured the assassination of
Urien, in the Isle of Lindisfarne.
After the Saxons had finally established themselves on the eastern coast, in
the forementioned countries, an immense rampart, extending nearly from the
Solway to the Frith of Forth, was erected, either with the view of checking
their further progress westward, or else by mutual consent of the two
nations, as a mere line of demarcation between their respective dominions.
This wall cannot have an earlier date, for it runs through the middle of the
country originally occupied by the Gadeni, and could not of course have been
constructed as a boundary by them; nor can it be referred to a more recent
period, as there could be no reason for forming such a fence after the Saxons
had intruded upon the whole country which it divides. This was the famous
CATRAIL, which we presume to be identical with CATTRAETH, where the
disastrous battle of that name, as sung by Aneurin, was fought.
Catrail means literally "the war fence" (cad-rhail), but on the supposition
that it is synonymous with Cattraeth, the rhyme in the Gododin would
determine the latter to be the correct term, or that by which Aneurin
distinguished the line. The meaning of Cattraeth would be either "the war
tract" (cad-traeth), or "the legal war fence" (cad-rhaith); the latter of
which would give some countenance to the idea that it was formed by mutual
agreement.
The whole course of the Catrail, which may be traced from the vicinity of
Galashiels to Peel-fell, is upwards of forty five miles. The most entire
parts of it show that it was originally a broad and deep fosse; having on
each side a rampart, which was formed of the natural soil, that was thrown
from the ditch, intermixed with some stones. Its dimensions vary in
different places, which may be owing to its remains being more or less
perfect. In those parts where it is pretty entire, the fosse is twenty
seven, twenty six, and twenty five feet broad. But in those places where the
rampart has been most demolished the fosse only measures twenty two and a
half feet, twenty and eighteen, and in one place only sixteen feet wide. As
the ramparts sloped on the inside, it is obvious that in proportion as they
were demolished, the width of the fosse within would be diminished. In some
of the most entire parts the ramparts are from six to seven, and even nine or
ten feet high, and from eight to ten and twelve feet thick. They are, no
doubt, less now than they were originally, owing to the effects of time and
tillage. {5a}
Such is the Catrail, and were it identical with Cattraeth, we should
naturally expect to meet with some allusions to a work of that description in
the body of the Poem. Nor are we herein disappointed, for the expressions
"ffosawd," {5b} "clawdd," {5c} "ffin," {5d} "cladd clodvawr," {5e}
"goglawdd," {5f} "clawdd gwernin," {5g} and "gorffin Gododin," {5h} are
undoubtedly such allusions, though we readily admit that some of them may,
and probably do, refer to the ordinary circular forts of the Britons, of whom
there are several along the line. It may be added here that Taliesin in his
description of the battle of Gwenystrad, where the men of Cattraeth fought
under Urien, speaks of a "govwr" or an intrenchment, that was "assailed by
the laborious toil of warriors."
Having thus satisfied ourselves as to the nature and locality of Cattraeth;
the general subject of the Poem becomes apparent. It was a battle fought at
the barrier in question between the Cymry and the Saxons, the most extended
in its design and operations on the part of the former, as it proved to them
the most disastrous in its results, of all that had hitherto taken place
between the two people in that part of the island.
The details of this bloody encounter, as we gather them from the Poem, were
as follow: At the call of Mynyddawg, lord of Eiddin, whose dominions lay
peculiarly exposed, both by sea and land, to the attack of the enemy, the
native chieftains of Prydyn, aided by many of their relatives and friends
from Gwynedd and Cernyw, entered into a mutual alliance in behalf of their
common country. {6a} In one place the daughter of Eudav {6b} is joined with
Mynyddawg, as one upon whose errand the expedition was undertaken, but
whether she was his wife, or ruled over a territory adjacent to, or equally
threatened with his own, does not appear. The troops under their respective
leaders arrived at Eiddin, where they were sumptuously entertained by
Mynyddawg, {6c} and where they established their head quarters. The generals
named in the Poem amount in number to about ninety, but this was not the
third part of the whole, which consisted of "three hundred and sixty three
chieftains wearing the golden torques." {6d} The aggregate number of men
that followed these illustrious leaders is not told, but if an average may be
formed from what we know respecting a few cases, it will appear to have been
immense. Mynyddawg's retinue consisted of "three hundred;" {6e} there were
"five battalions of five hundred men each," "three levies of three hundred
each;" "three bold knights" had each "three hundred of equal quality;" {6f}
thus averaging about four hundred for each commander, which, multiplied by
three hundred and sixty three, would exhibit an overwhelming army of a
hundred and forty five thousand, and two hundred men! Yet the Poet describes
the numerical advantages possessed by the enemy as greatly superior.
These forces, being all placed on the western side of the dyke, would
approach the land of their enemies as they marched to the field of battle,
hence the reason why Aneurin uses the expressions "Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth,"
and "Gwyr a aeth Gododin," as synonymous.
The enemies, as before observed, were the Saxons, aided on this occasion by
many of the Lloegrians, namely, such of the natives as had submitted to their
sway in the provinces they had already conquered. They concentrated their
forces in Gododin, and marched westward in the direction of the great fence,
where the Britons were awaiting them. Aneurin has not thought fit to record
the names of any of their generals, with the single exception of Dyvnwal
Vrych, {7a} who, to entitle him to that distinction, must have figured
prominently on the field of battle.
The engagement commenced on a Tuesday, and continued for a whole week, the
last four days being the most bloody. {7b} For some time both parties fought
gallantly, and with almost equal success; fortune perhaps upon the whole
appearing to favour the Cymry, who not only slew a vast number of their
adversaries, but partially succeeded in recovering their lost dominions. {7c}
At this critical juncture a dwarfish herald arrived at the fence, proposing
on the part of the Saxons a truce or compact, which, however, was indignantly
rejected by the natives, and the action renewed. {7d} The scales now rapidly
turned. In one part of the field such a terrible carnage ensued, that there
was but one man left to scare away the birds of prey, which hovered over the
carcases of the slain. {7e} In another, where our Bard was stationed, a
portion of the allied army, owing to the absence of its general, became panic
stricken. {7f} Aneurin was taken prisoner, hurried off to a cave or dungeon,
and loaded with chains. {7g} At length a conference was submitted to, which
was held at a place called Llanveithin, at which Aneurin, who had been
forcibly liberated by one of the sons of Llywarch Hen, insisted upon the
restoration of part of Gododin, or the alternative of continuing the fight.
The Saxon herald met the proposal by killing the British Bard Owain, who was
of course unarmed. {7h} Such a violation of privilege excited then the whole
energies of the Cymry, who rose as one man, and gave the entire scene a more
bloody character than it had yet presented.
Victory, however, at length proclaimed in favour of the usurpers, and so
decisively, that out of the three hundred and sixty three chieftains that
went to the field of Cattraeth, three only returned alive, Cynon, and
Cadreith, and Cadlew of Cadnant, besides Aneurin himself. {7i} The number of
common soldiers that fell must be conjectured.
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